Kebbi: X-raying Gov. Nasir’s Three Years Of Fidelity To Promise

By Rabi’u Isma’il

In politics generally, but especially Nigerian politics, promises are the cheapest oxygen of electioneering. The people are regaled with stories of how the aspirant will turn deserts into sprawling green lands in weeks after the election. However, more often than not, these promises vanish into thin air immediately after mandates have been secured. Governance becomes where rhetoric goes to die naturally.

Across Nigeria, campaign speeches are often replete with polished, poetic rhetoric but painfully short on delivery. Grand declarations are made with fanfare, manifestoes are unveiled with solemnity, and citizens are painted a very radiant picture of the future. Unfortunately, it dissolves into familiar darkness shortly after inauguration. That reality perhaps explains why many Nigerians have grown increasingly cynical of political leadership. They have heard too much and seen too little.

But, for the fortitude of some leaders, who every once in a while emerge to radically attempt to narrow the stubborn distance between promise and performance, Nigerians would have completely lost faith.

One such rare breed of leader is Comrade Governor Nasir Idris, Kauran Gwandu. Three years after assuming office as Governor of Kebbi State on May 29, 2023, Kauran Gwandu appears determined to protect his reputation as a disruptor, building his administration around a simple but rare belief that government must work, and governance must be felt. To Kauran Gwandu, promises made even at the height of campaigns are a sacred bond that binds him to the people. Kaura sees fidelity to promise as the true test of leadership, and not meaningless speeches that many politicians favor.

Gov. Nasir believes that every time you have to explain to the people that you are building roads, hospitals, or schools, then you have failed. Real impact is seen and felt in the many roads that have made travel smooth and enjoyable, in the hospitals functioning with new workers, in the smiles of civil servants not owed salaries, in the happy faces of children learning in conducive environments, and many more. These are the hallmarks of a responsive government working assiduously to restore the confidence of the common man in democracy.

Perhaps one of the easiest ways to understand the Nasir Idris administration is to look at the physical transformation quietly reshaping the sprawling landscape of Kebbi State. From Birnin Kebbi to Ambursa to Argungu and so many other communities, township roads, and urban renewal projects, Kebbi has witnessed a deliberate attempt at redefining public spaces and improving mobility.

Birnin Kebbi, in particular, now bears visible signs of renewed planning. Solar-powered streetlights illuminate strategic areas, major roundabouts have undergone beautification, drainage systems are being expanded, and roads once neglected now serve as arteries of movement and commerce.

Naturally, improved infrastructure comes with lots of good things. When public spaces become safer, cleaner, and more accessible, commerce deepens, nightlife expands, insecurity contracts, and citizens gradually begin to feel that governance exists beyond rhetorics. The completion of the ultra-modern Bola Ahmed Tinubu Secretariat Complex at Gwadangaji perhaps stands as one of the administration’s most symbolic achievements. Beyond brick and mortar, it signals an effort to create institutional efficiency and restore dignity to public administration. Civil servants, long accustomed to poor working conditions in many states, now operate within a more conducive environment.

And speaking of civil servants, one area where Governor Idris appears to have shown uncommon sensitivity is workers’ welfare. It is difficult to overstate the importance of a motivated workforce in governance. Governments do not function through intentions alone; they function through people. A demoralized civil service almost always translates to poor service delivery. Recognizing this, the administration has maintained regular salary payments, implemented the new ₦75,000 minimum wage, and cleared significant backlogs relating to pensions, gratuities, death benefits, and inherited liabilities. For thousands of workers and retirees, this translates into dignity restored.

In a country where delayed salaries have become normalized in some subnational governments, prompt remuneration sends a powerful signal that labor matters, and workers deserve certainty. Equally significant is the administration’s elimination of casualization in the civil service, alongside housing interventions and sustained capacity-building programs designed to improve efficiency and professionalism.

Yet governance is not sustained by salaries alone; it survives on social investment, and few sectors reveal the moral priorities of a government more clearly than healthcare and education. Governor Nasir Idris assumed office with an obvious understanding that public trust in government hospitals had significantly weakened over the years, largely due to inadequate facilities, poor staffing, and uneven access.

The response has been deliberate. General hospitals, dispensaries, and primary healthcare centers across the state have undergone revitalization and upgrading. More importantly, over 2,000 health personnel, including doctors, nurses, and allied professionals, have been recruited to address manpower shortages. The establishment of the college of nursing and midwifery is a deliberate investment to forestall the shortage of health personnel.

The procurement of ambulances and modern medical equipment, alongside expanded health insurance enrollment for vulnerable citizens, speaks to a government attempting to move healthcare from aspiration to access. No serious society develops while its citizens die from preventable causes or travel impossible distances to seek routine medical care. The gradual rebuilding of healthcare confidence in Kebbi therefore deserves recognition.

Education tells an equally compelling story. It is perhaps unsurprising that Governor Idris, himself a former classroom teacher and union president, would accord serious attention to the sector, though what matters ultimately is not his history as a teacher but action. The recruitment of over 2,000 teachers to address manpower shortages, renovation of schools, provision of learning furniture, and construction of mega schools across major emirates reflect a seriousness that extends beyond inherited nostalgia from days of agitations as a union leader.

More notably, Kebbi state’s decision to sustain payment of examination fees for WAEC, NECO, NABTEB, and NBAIS students offers practical relief to thousands of families already burdened by economic hardship. This is commendable considering the time we are in, where educational access increasingly risks becoming the privilege of the economically fortunate.

Then there is agriculture, arguably Kebbi State’s economic heartbeat. For a predominantly agrarian state, food security cannot remain a theoretical policy ambition; it must be operational. Under the Kauran Gwandu Agricultural Development Agenda, fertilizers, improved seeds, and agro-inputs have been distributed to hundreds of thousands of farmers, while irrigation support systems, including solar-powered pumps and mechanized innovations, continue to expand farming opportunities. The administration’s response to flooding through residual moisture crop production also demonstrates adaptive governance—the capacity to turn crisis into opportunity. Rather than allowing ecological setbacks to become permanent setbacks for livelihoods, government intervention sought to transform flood-affected areas into productive agricultural zones, attracting wider recognition.

Security, however, remains the lens through which every developmental claim must ultimately be judged. Roads mean little where movement is unsafe, farms become meaningless where farmers cannot cultivate, and schools cannot function where fear dominates communities. Kebbi, like much of northern Nigeria, has not been insulated from insecurity. Banditry and violent criminality have tested state resilience. Yet Governor Idris appears to have adopted a pragmatic rather than performative approach.

From logistics support to security agencies and vigilante groups to the deployment of patrol vehicles, motorcycles, operational materials, and community-based security collaboration, the administration has sought to build layered responses to insecurity. Perhaps the strongest evidence of relative progress lies in the return of farmers to lands once abandoned due to fear. When citizens begin reclaiming spaces insecurity had stolen, government intervention is beginning to register. Importantly too, Governor Idris has repeatedly shown physical presence in troubled communities, offering relief, solidarity, and reassurance. This solidarity may be dismissed as symbolic.

However, during moments of public trauma, the face of a governor walking through pain with those affected by unfortunate events is, in most cases, all the assurance they need that he’s fighting with them and for them. Citizens often remember not merely what government says but whether government showed up. Kauran Gwandu embodies these qualities of a compassionate leader.

Women and social welfare interventions also deserve mention. Skills acquisition programs, youth empowerment schemes, social welfare support for vulnerable children, and the continuation of mass wedding initiatives for less privileged citizens reflect an administration attempting to preserve social stability while promoting economic inclusion. Critics may dismiss some of these interventions as politically attractive welfare programs, but governance, especially in fragile socio-economic contexts, must often balance long-term development with immediate human needs. A hungry society rarely waits patiently for macroeconomic theory.

None of this is to suggest that Kebbi has arrived at perfection. No government around the globe can arrive at perfection. Development is always unfinished business, and citizens retain every right to demand more, question priorities, and insist on accountability. Roads still require expansion, healthcare gaps remain, education quality must deepen beyond infrastructure, and security gains require constant vigilance. But governance should be judged not by utopian standards but by movement, direction, and measurable effort. On that score, Governor Nasir Idris’ first three years suggest a leadership attempting, with visible intentionality, to honor the social contract between government and governed.

Perhaps this explains why traditional institutions across Nigeria and beyond continue to honor him with titles and recognition. Yet titles alone do not sustain public legitimacy; performance does. Three years on, the defining argument in favor of Governor Idris may simply be that Kebbi is not standing still. In a political culture where citizens are too often asked to survive on promises, the Kebbi experience under Nasir Idris increasingly presents a different proposition; it insists that governance, when pursued with sincerity, can still wear the face of fidelity to promise.

Rabi’u writes from Birnin Kebbi.

Governor Nasiru’s Redefinition of Governance: A Quiet Political Revolution That Silenced the Noisy Opposition

BY IBRAHIM A. JOMBALI.

Many times, and in many places in Nigerian politics, incumbents often attempt to secure political dominance through patronage, ethnic arithmetic, or relentless confrontation with opponents. In Nasir Idris, governor of Kebbi State, a different model appears to be emerging: the use of governance itself as political capital.

Since coming into office on 29th May 2026, the people’s governor has pursued an approach that places visible development above political theatrics. The strategy is not ideologically sophisticated or uniquely innovative by global standards. Yet in Nigeria’s usually turbulent subnational politics, it has proven remarkably effective. By concentrating on infrastructure, education, and welfare-orientated interventions, the administration has gradually narrowed the space within which opposition parties traditionally thrive.

The logic is straightforward and beyond dispute that opposition movements gain traction where governments appear absent, indifferent, or ineffective. Where roads collapse, salaries stagnate, and public services decay, political resentment becomes fertile ground for challengers. But where citizens perceive measurable improvements in daily life, opposition rhetoric tends to lose emotional force.

That dynamic increasingly defines the political climate in Kebbi State.
Across several parts of the state, road rehabilitation projects and improvements in public infrastructure have become central to the administration’s political messaging. Such projects are rare in Nigerian governance. What distinguishes them in Kebbi is their consistency and visibility at the grassroots level, where political legitimacy is ultimately negotiated. For many residents, the symbolism matters as much as the projects themselves: government appears present.

Education has emerged as another pillar of the administration’s legitimacy. Given Comrade Idris’ background in labour unionism and educational advocacy, the sector carries both political and personal significance. Investments in school infrastructure, teacher support, and learning conditions have reinforced the perception that the teacher-governor sees education not merely as a budget item but as a strategic tool for long-term social stability.

Equally positively consequential is the administration’s handling of workers’ welfare and social interventions. In much of Nigeria, unpaid salaries and weak state capacity often fuel anti-incumbent sentiment. Kebbi’s government has instead sought to maintain relatively stable relations with civil servants and vulnerable groups through salary commitments, empowerment schemes, and targeted assistance programmes. Such measures may appear modest individually, but collectively, they strengthen political loyalty by reducing economic alienation. You can’t beat the reach.

Governor Nasir Idris has also demonstrated a keen and apt understanding of the sociology of power in northern Nigeria. His administration has maintained close engagement with traditional rulers, youth associations, religious figures, and community networks that often shape political opinion more effectively than formal party structures. This has helped consolidate a broad coalition of support that extends beyond partisan boundaries.

The effect on opposition politics has been noticeable. Rather than confronting rivals directly, the governor has largely allowed developmental projects and public engagement to perform the political work for him. In doing so, he has adopted a quieter and arguably more sustainable method of consolidating power.

Today, tertiary institutions in Kebbi are performing at their highest level. The government has funded the accreditation of all programmes at state universities, state polytechnics, state colleges of education, and health-related institutions. This achievement is in addition to the establishment of new programmes and an additional school of nursing sciences at Ambursa. The institutions’ infrastructure will significantly enhance the quality of teaching and learning.

This development does not mean Kebbi has become politically homogeneous, nor does it imply the absence of criticism. No democratic administration is immune from scrutiny, and questions about transparency, institutional depth, and long-term economic sustainability remain valid. Yet the broader political trend is difficult to ignore: the more governance becomes visible, the harder it is for opposition parties to mobilise widespread public anger.

In effect, Kebbi illustrates an enduring political principle often overlooked in Nigeria’s democracy: incumbents are strongest not when they dominate headlines but when citizens feel the state functioning around them.

For Gov Idris, this approach may prove to be the most potent political strategy of all, and he is fully committed to it. It is a journey of holistic transformation, and he is focused on safely delivering on the all-important mandate.

Ibrahim Abubakar Jombali
Special Adviser on Public Enlightenment and Orientation to Kebbi State Governor.

 Pantami’s BBC Interview: The Half-Truths and His Hollow Ambition

I watched the recent BBC interview with Isah Ali Pantami, and I could not help but find it deeply amusing.

First, I wish to state that I am glad Pantami has called for a direct primary election to be conducted. I am glad because this presents the perfect avenue to validate the point I have been making for some time now, that Pantami is, in actual fact, deeply unpopular in Gombe, within the party, and at the grassroots level. It also affords him the opportunity to test and prove, once and for all, whatever popularity he believes he possesses.

In the course of an interview that lasted over ten minutes, he raised numerous issues; an interview that was, expectedly, riddled with half-truths and outright falsehoods. I will share my thoughts on a few.

On the issue of his non-involvement in the consensus process, Pantami claimed that he attended only one meeting, at which it was agreed that consensus would be adopted in selecting the party’s flag bearer, and that should that process fail, a direct primary election would then be conducted. He proceeded to spin a rather elaborate tale about why he could not attend the second meeting, despite having been invited, citing the absence of flights to Gombe that Saturday and a vehicle breakdown upon attempting to travel by road. While that story may sound plausible to the uninitiated, it raises several pointed questions: given the vast resources at Pantami’s disposal, how could twenty hours be considered insufficient time to transport himself to a state he so passionately desires to govern, regardless of the logistical cost or inconvenience? Where was the private jet he has used to travel to Gombe on multiple occasions, the same one he deployed to attend a wedding in Borno State? Was there truly a more pressing use for that aircraft than this? And what was a man who aspires to govern Gombe State doing in Abuja throughout this period, rather than being on ground, engaging and consulting with the very people he claims to represent?

He also raised the issue of injustice, declaring his commitment to fight it to his last breath. I find this particularly hilarious, and for good reason. This is a man who witnessed various forms of injustice and endured episodes of controversy in the past, yet chose silence, presumably in anticipation of a reward for that silence, only to suddenly rediscover his voice the moment a process he willingly subscribed to failed to deliver the outcome he desired. The questions, therefore, are these: Pantami, why now? What has changed? Is injustice only injustice when it is directed at you and your ambitions? Would it have been injustice had you been the one selected, or would the end have simply justified the means?

The self-appointed crusader for justice then proceeded, in a characteristic episode of self-glorification, to claim that he is the most popular aspirant at the grassroots not only in Gombe, but across the entire North, going as far as challenging the journalist to go and verify this assertion. This statement, I believe, stems from one of two things: either a delusional sense of grandeur that has given rise to his habitual and tiresome self-adulation, or the preposterous presumption that his fame as a cleric translates directly into real and tangible political reach. Either way, this arrogant claim is not only politically naive, it is demonstrably false, and would be dismissed by anyone with even the faintest understanding of the political landscape in Gombe State. And he, more than most, knows this to be true.

As a politician, Pantami holds the worst record of grassroots engagement, human relations, and political outreach among the top contenders for this position in Gombe State. Here is a man who practically abandoned the state, its people, and the party, going as far as transferring his polling unit from Gombe to Abuja during his time as a Minister, only to return now, demanding the APC gubernatorial ticket as though it were his birthright. A man who refused to participate in the state congresses and the Zonal Convention, yet conveniently showed up at the APC National Convention. It is for these reasons that I am firmly convinced this noise he is making has nothing to do with fighting injustice or with any genuine expectation of winning a direct primary. It is, rather, a calculated and cunning attempt to position himself favourably enough to be compensated with a lucrative Federal appointment.

As many who know me will attest, I have never regarded Pantami’s governorship aspiration as serious, nor do I consider him a serious politician. This latest episode of political theatrics only deepens that conviction. For him, it is not about the office, it is about the attention, the spotlight, and ultimately, the spoils. He knows, full well, that whether primary elections are conducted once or a hundred times within the APC, he is certain to lose every single time. But losing, he can stomach. Being left out of the reward system, he cannot. When the direct primaries are held, and if there are three candidates on the ballot, Pantami will not only finish last, he will not come anywhere close to second place.

Finally, on the matter of challenging the process in court, that is entirely within his rights. The law will be tested, and I can assure you that my learned colleagues at the Bar will have no objections whatsoever to the juicy brief.

Isiyaku Ahmed Danlawan, Esq.

6th May, 2026