Column
Iran, Beware the Fangs of January, the Scourge of February, and the Ides of March is a work
Iran, Beware the Fangs of January, the Scourge of February, and the Ides of March is a work (3)
by Hassan Gimba
Israel’s message to one of the intermediaries was that it would not participate in the US attack, and therefore, it asked Iran not to target Israel. This request was also met with a negative response from Iran, which explicitly stated that with the start of US military action, Israel would be attacked. This made Netanyahu threaten to attack Iran with a force “1,000 times greater than they have known”, alluding to the use of nuclear bombs. The US and Europe have been saying that Iran would use a bomb if it had one. The world has now seen who is itching to use it.
Unlike Israel, which has been in a constant state of war and attacked over eight countries last year, Iran has not attacked any country in the past 300 years, except in self-defence. Israel, in 2025 alone, attacked more countries than any other country in the world. It attacked six countries: Palestine, Iran, Lebanon, Qatar, Syria, and Yemen. It also carried out strikes in Tunisian, Maltese and Greek territorial waters with aid flotillas heading for Gaza. According to Armed Conflict Location and Event Data (ACLED), an independent conflict monitor, from January 1 to December 5, Israel carried out at least 10,631 attacks, marking one of the broadest geographic military offensives in a single year. This was in addition to repeatedly violating the ceasefire agreements made in Gaza and Lebanon, with the exception of years involving Iran.
According to ACLED, from January 1 to December 5, 2025, Israel conducted 8,332 attacks in Gaza and the occupied West Bank, 1,653 attacks in Lebanon, 379 attacks in Iran, 207 attacks in Syria, 48 attacks in Yemen, one attack in Qatar, two attacks in Tunisian waters, and one attack each in Maltese and Greek waters.
However, in a conflict, the US would try to keep its key forces, like aircraft carriers, hundreds of kilometres away to avoid Iran’s anti-ship missiles. It would also defend its regional bases vigorously. But Iran would rally its regional allies to pressure the US from multiple fronts.
Iran’s terrain would be impossible to conquer – an obvious advantage. The Persians are, of course, technologically advanced and are particularly ahead of everyone else in the realm of asymmetric warfare. The Iranian leadership foresaw the current scenario years ago. It identified the U.S. military’s most obvious weaknesses and developed an effective doctrine accordingly: hypersonic missiles, drone swarms, and a light/fast navy.
Imagine a squadron of F-18 pilots returning to land on the USS Lincoln while the carrier is desperately engaged in evasive manoeuvres under attack from swarms of drones in the air and mini-submarines below. It is not going to work; it just can’t work.
But what do Trump and Netanyahu want? According to Iran’s Foreign Minister, Abbas Araqchi, “The United States’ demands that Iran eliminate its stockpile of uranium and commit to zero enrichment are unrealistic. Their demands regarding our missile program and our support for our allies are non-negotiable. Iran will not subjugate itself to any foreign dictates. We are an independent nation, and we determine our course.”
The terms are clear and arduous. Iran is expected to fully abandon its nuclear program, stop missile development, or produce missiles whose range would not surpass 500 kilometres, cut ties with regional armed groups, and accept strict U.S. control and inspections. In return, Washington offers possible sanctions relief and the promise of no military attack. No firm guarantees. No equal ground. Sounds like demands, rather than negotiation – what the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps termed “surrender dressed up as diplomacy”.
The demands, when looked at carefully, are all just about Israel, and there is no talk of the Iranian people they want “to help”. The lifting of sanctions was “possible”, and a 500 km cap wouldn’t reach Israel.
Meanwhile, the US persists in providing Israel with an extensive arsenal of lethal weapons. Israel last year attacked Iran, unprovoked, killing scores of its generals and scientists.
Trump once claimed that “all nuclear sites in Iran have been completely destroyed and/or obliterated…it would take years to bring them back into service…” but in contradiction, he now insists that he wants to strike the nation’s nuclear sites. His Defence Secretary, Pete Hegseth, also claimed they dealt the “final blow” to Iran’s nuke ambitions. But now, just like with Venezuela, the narrative has changed.
Iran has responded by offering negotiations under one condition: equal rules for all regional powers. Tehran proposes a nuclear-free Middle East, including restrictions on Israel’s weapons. But America, no doubt at the behest of Israel, has rejected the proposal.
One may ask, what happened to the deal, the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) signed by Iran and the US, UK, France, Russia, China, and Germany, with the explicit intention of preventing Iran from obtaining a nuclear weapon while simultaneously reintroducing the regime into the international community?
The International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) was to be guaranteed access to inspect and monitor sites, including potentially “undeclared” sites, through a defined dispute-resolution system.
In return, Iran would receive substantial sanctions relief, including the unfreezing of billions of dollars in Iranian assets and foreign currency reserves.
True diplomacy, exemplified by a brilliant and well-constructed attempt by a genuine statesman, Barack Obama, brought traditional adversaries to the table to find common ground in the pursuit of global peace.
Netanyahu, in particular, aggressively criticised the deal as a “historic mistake” and urged Republicans to oppose it during a speech to Congress while Obama was still President; this pressure contributed to Trump’s decision to withdraw from the deal, which he called “the worst deal ever” in 2018.
The Europeans, Chinese, and Russians attempted to continue the deal without the U.S., but Trump not only reimposed sanctions, he also added new ones. Initially, Iran complied with the agreement; however, after about a year of inaction, it began to incrementally breach the terms and recommence enrichment programmes that had been halted under the deal.
The Siamese twins and the system handling them are aware of what they are doing. They are engaged in a strategic manoeuvre. Through the collapse of Iran, they aim to achieve three things: corner the world’s oil and gas for the US, bring China to its knees, and cut off Russia from the South. That would effectively nip the emerging multipolar world in the bud, and the world would come under the hegemon’s dictatorship, with everyone else an underling.
While they are doing all they can to isolate Iran internationally through the cancellation of invitations to international events and destroy its economy through sanctions, Iran must muster efforts to counter that, especially from an economic perspective. It can no longer rely on the old idea of rules-based order. Recent events in Gaza, in particular, along with unilateral actions against international law by the Siamese twins and their tag team leaders, have demonstrated that the rules-based international order is flawed and that transnational institutions have failed to uphold their principles, resulting in a loss of relevance.
Iran may need to consider adopting the Chinese currency, even if only for a limited period. The Chinese currency is strong and cannot be undermined in the same way that America and the West have undermined Iran’s currency.
Yet all that Trump is doing is American policy; it does not matter whether the president is a Democrat or a Republican. Trump is just being too obvious. Call it crude, unpolished, insensitive, or by whatever name; that’s the aim of America, the tiger, and Israel, the tail that wags it. It’s their policy. They are just being desperate now because the writing is on the wall: it is the desperation of a dying empire – the last kicks of a dying horse.
Concluded.
Hassan Gimba is the publisher and CEO of Neptune Prime.
Column
Dr Langa, Hassan Bangunji (JP): A Life Dedicated to Physics, Public Service, and Community Development
Dr Langa, Hassan Bangunji (JP): A Life Dedicated to Physics, Public Service, and Community Development
By Ben Ngwakwe, Gombe
Born on 10 October 1966 in Bangunji, Shongom Local Government Area of Gombe State, Dr Langa Hassan Bangunji (JP) has built a distinguished career that bridges academia, public administration, community leadership, and energy research. Over more than three decades, he has emerged as one of Gombe State’s most enduring contributors to science education, institutional development, and public service.
Dr Langa’s early education began at Bangunji Primary School, where his academic curiosity first took shape. He proceeded to Government Secondary School, Cham, and later Government Science Secondary School, Gombe, completing his secondary education in 1984. His strong inclination towards science led him to Abubakar Tafawa Balewa University (ATBU), Bauchi, where he earned a Bachelor of Technology degree in Applied Physics in 1990.
Determined to deepen his expertise and professional relevance, Dr Langa pursued teacher training at the Federal College of Education (Technical), Gombe, obtaining a Teachers Training Certificate in Science in 1993. He further enhanced his technical competence with a postgraduate diploma in electrical/electronics from ATBU Bauchi in 1998, followed by a general certificate in computer studies in 2003. His passion for energy studies took him to the Federal University of Technology, Yola, where he earned a master’s degree in energy physics in 2007, and later to Modibbo Adama University of Technology (MAUTECH), Yola, where he completed a PhD in energy physics in July 2015.
Dr Langa’s professional journey began with industrial training at ATBU Bauchi and national service at Boys Secondary School, Unubi, Anambra State, where he served as both a physics teacher and a form master. Upon returning to the Northeast, he briefly taught at GSSS Dass as Head of Physics before joining the Federal College of Education (Technical), Gombe, in 1992—an institution that would become the anchor of his academic career.
At FCE (T) Gombe, Dr Langa steadily rose through the ranks, becoming one of the institution’s most experienced and influential academics. He served at various times as Examination Officer, School Secretary, Head of the Department of Physics (2009–2017), Dean of the School of Science (2011–2013), Deputy Director, and later Director of Academic Planning and Quality Assurance. His leadership was marked by a strong commitment to academic standards, transparent assessment processes, and institutional planning.
Beyond the college environment, Dr Langa distinguished himself in public service, serving as a member of the Gombe State Executive Council between 1999 and 2003. During this period, he was appointed Honourable Commissioner for Water Resources and Environment and at different times acted as Commissioner in the Ministries of Health, Works and Housing, and Women Affairs and Youth Development. His tenure coincided with Nigeria’s growing engagement with environmental governance, water resource management, and sustainable development, leading to his participation in National Councils on Water Resources and Environment, as well as Presidential Committees on projects such as the Dadin-Kowa Hydro Power Project and the National Shelter Belt Initiative.
In September 2017, Dr Langa reached a major milestone in educational leadership when he was appointed Provost of the College of Education, Billiri, a position he held until August 2022. His tenure was characterised by administrative reforms, staff development initiatives, and a renewed focus on academic quality and institutional stability. He later proceeded on sabbatical leave to the College of Education, Zing, further extending his influence across Nigeria’s colleges of education.
A committed teacher and mentor, Dr Langa has supervised 45 NCE research projects and 12 undergraduate projects; some of them were published in reputable journals while teaching a wide range of physics courses, including Mechanics, Electricity and Magnetism, Thermodynamics, Atomic and Nuclear Physics, Electronics, Statistical Physics, and Energy & Environmental Physics. His research interests, firmly rooted in energy physics, renewable energy, and domestic energy consumption, have produced numerous scholarly publications in reputable national and international journals.
Dr Langa’s academic output spans studies on solar energy utilisation, biomass and fuel consumption, nuclear energy as a development option, and improved cooking stove efficiency, contributing valuable insights to Nigeria’s energy and environmental discourse. His work has positioned him as a respected voice on sustainable energy solutions, particularly within the context of developing economies.
Outside the classroom and government office, Dr Langa is deeply involved in community service, faith-based initiatives, and traditional institutions. He serves on the traditional councils of the Dadiya, Kaltungo, and Tangale chiefdoms and has held leadership roles in community development associations, youth organisations, and church boards. His advisory roles to student fellowships and youth groups reflect his lifelong commitment to mentorship and moral leadership.
His contributions have earned him numerous traditional titles and merit awards, including Dan Masanin Bangunji, Dan Ruwatun Dadiya, Sarkin Zangon Kaltungo, Garkuwan Ilimin Tangale, and State Patron of the Boys Brigade of Nigeria, Gombe State.
These honours recognise not only his professional achievements but also his enduring service to education, culture, and community development.
Currently a Chief Lecturer at the Federal College of Education (Technical), Gombe, under the Federal Ministry of Education and the National Commission for Colleges of Education (NCCE), Dr Langa remains actively engaged in academic planning, quality assurance, research supervision, and national educational discourse.
Bangunji has served either as chairman or as a member of sensitive committees both within and outside the college. In his leisure, he enjoys reading and playing badminton.
Dr Langa, Hassan Bangunji (JP), stands as a compelling example of how scholarship, public service, and community leadership can intersect to create a life of sustained impact one that continues to shape institutions, inspire students, and contribute meaningfully to Nigeria’s educational and developmental aspirations.
Column
Formal Rebuttal to the Recent Interview Granted by Retired Major General Ali Keffi on Arise TV
Formal Rebuttal to the Recent Interview Granted by Retired Major General Ali Keffi on Arise TV
Dr. MS Abubakar
I write this piece today not as a representative of any organization, but as a private citizen who has watched with growing alarm the recent interview given by Retired Major General Ali Keffi on Arise TV. In that interview, General Keffi made a series of veiled accusations against several prominent Nigerians—most notably the former Chief of Army Staff, Lieutenant General TY Buratai (Rtd)—suggesting, without presenting any evidence, that they are involved in the financing of terrorism.
As a Nigerian who has, over the years, observed the conduct of our security forces from the frontlines and who has personally benefited from the decisive actions of General Buratai, I feel compelled to set the record straight, to invoke the legal framework that governs such serious allegations, and to underscore the grave consequences that flow from the reckless dissemination of unsubstantiated claims.
1. The Legal Context of Accusations of Terrorism Financing
Under the Terrorism Prevention Act (TPA) 2019 (as amended), the offence of “terrorism financing” is defined in Section 15 and carries a maximum penalty of life imprisonment. The law is unequivocal: an accusation of this nature is not a matter of opinion; it is a criminal allegation that must be substantiated by credible, admissible evidence.
Equally important is the Defamation Act, 1961, which, though archaic, still provides that a statement that tends to lower a person in the estimation of rightthinking members of society, or that exposes them to hatred, contempt, or ridicule, is actionable if it is false. Nigerian courts have repeatedly held that public figures, including retired military officers, are entitled to the same protection against defamation as any other citizen, especially when the statements impute criminal conduct.
Consequently, any public figure who makes an allegation of terrorism financing without proof not only risks civil liability for defamation but also potentially triggers criminal investigation under the TPA. The onus of proof lies squarely on the accuser. General Keffi, in his interview, offered no documentary evidence, no witness testimony, nor any official inquiry findings to back his claims. By doing so, he has exposed himself to both civil and criminal repercussions under Nigerian law.
2. General Buratai’s Record: Concrete Examples of Blocking Ransom Payments.
To illustrate why the accusations are not only baseless but also contrary to the factual record, allow me to recount a specific incident that has been widely reported but apparently overlooked by General Keffi.
In early 2019, a prominent clergyman—whose name I shall refrain from mentioning out of respect for his family, was abducted by a Boko Haram cell operating in the Lake Chad Basin.
The kidnappers demanded a ransom of $500,000 for his release. The demand quickly found its way to senior political figures, including a former Vice President, a sitting State Governor, and several members of the Senate, all of whom exerted considerable pressure on the Presidency to authorise the payment.
General Buratai, then serving as Chief of Army Staff, was informed of the unfolding negotiations. He immediately sought for a meeting with the President and made it unequivocally clear that any payment of ransom would be a violation of the government’s counterterrorism policy and would embolden the terrorists, leading to further abductions.
The President, after a brief deliberation, accepted General Buratai’s recommendation and ordered that no ransom be paid. The decision was communicated to the family of the clergyman, who were understandably distressed. Over the ensuing twelve months, the Army, in collaboration with the DSS and international partners, intensified its kinetic and nonkinetic operations against the responsible cell. Through a combination of intelligencedriven raids, the capture of a key financier, and the disruption of the group’s communication networks, the terrorists were forced to release the clergyman without any ransom being paid. He was reunited with his family in December 2020 or thereabouts.
General Keffi’s interview failed to mention any of these facts. Instead, he insinuated that General Buratai might have been complicit in the financing of terrorism, a claim that is directly contradicted by the documented refusal to pay ransom and the subsequent successful rescue operation.
3. The Broader Pattern of General Buratai’s CounterTerrorism Leadership
The clergyman’s case is not an isolated incident. During General Buratai’s tenure (July 2015 – January 2021), the Nigerian Army recorded several milestones that demonstrate a consistent refusal to negotiate with terrorists:
1. Operation BOY ELEVEN (2016–2017): The Army dismantled a Boko Haram logistics hub in Sambisa Forest, seizing weapons, IEDs, and a cache of cash that had been earmarked for ransom payments. The operation resulted in the death of several highvalue Boko Haram commanders and the liberation of over 300 hostiles, none of whom were released in exchange for money
2. The “No Ransom” Policy (2018): In a landmark directive, General Buratai ordered that all units under his command reject any demand for ransom, instructing commanders to inform higher headquarters immediately of any such attempt.
3. The Chibok Girls Saga (2018–2020): When the issue of paying ransom to secure the release of the Chibok schoolgirls resurfaced, General Buratai publicly stated that the Army would not support any ransom payment, emphasizing that “negotiating with terrorists only encourages further abductions.” His stance was instrumental in ensuring that the government maintained its “noransom” position, despite intense lobbying from various quarters.
These actions, recorded in official military communiqués and corroborated by multiple independent sources, including reports from the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (UNOCHA), paint a picture of a leader who consistently placed national security above personal or political considerations.
4. The True Nature of Major General Keffi’s Conduct
With all due respect to Major General Ali Keffi and his record of service, he is not, and cannot be, a court of law to simply declare certain personalities guilty of a crime of such magnitude.
The Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, in Section 36(5), guarantees the right of every person to a fair hearing and to be presumed innocent until proven guilty by a competent court. General Keffi’s public assertions, therefore, run contrary to the constitutional safeguards that protect every Nigerian.
It is also pertinent to note that General Keffi’s military career was cut short not by any lack of valour but by a series of selfinflicted missteps. Like many of his coursemates, he engaged in lobbying and sponsored media stories in the hope of being appointed Chief of Army Staff after the untimely death of Lieutenant General Attahiru Ibrahim. When the late President Muhammadu Buhari selected Lieutenant General Faruk Yahaya for the role, General Keffi chose contempt over loyalty. During the then Chief of Army Staff’s operational visit to Kaduna, General Keffi, who was then General Officer Commanding 1 Division, was conspicuously absent, offering the flimsy excuse that he had gone “to the bush to fight bandits.” Such insubordination is intolerable in any disciplined force and undoubtedly contributed to the decision to retire him. The Army leadership at the time concluded that it could not continue to serve with an officer whose loyalty was in question.
Seeking vengeance by blackmailing General Buratai and other senior officers who have risked their lives to restore peace is a mission that is dead on arrival. We will not keep quiet and allow that to go unchallenged. While we acknowledge that Lieutenant General TY Buratai is not perfect no human being is the weight of the evidence shows that his intentions for Nigeria have always been noble and free of any sinister motive. What possible benefit could he derive from aiding or collaborating with the enemies of our nation? It is deeply saddening that after surviving multiple brushes with death at the hands of Boko Haram gunmen, a senior retired officer would turn around to accuse men like General Buratai of terrorism financing.
5. The Consequences of Unfounded Allegations
General Keffi’s interview, while cloaked in the language of “concern for the nation,” amounts to a classic case of “character assassination”. The legal ramifications are twofold:
– Criminal Liability: Under Section 15 of the TPA, any person who “makes a false statement that a person has committed an offence under this Act” may be liable to imprisonment for a term not exceeding five years. The absence of any evidentiary basis for the claim that General Buratai financed terrorism places General Keffi squarely within the ambit of this provision. – Civil Liability: The law of defamation in Nigeria recognises that a statement imputing a criminal offence to a person is defamatory per se. The claimant need not prove special damage; the mere publication of the false statement is sufficient to establish liability. Given the wide reach of Arise TV and the subsequent sharing of the interview on social media platforms, the potential damages are substantial.
Beyond the legal sphere, such allegations erode public trust in our security institutions. When retired senior officers, who are presumed to possess a deep understanding of the operational realities, make unsubstantiated claims, they risk “destabilising” the very fabric of our national security architecture. They also provide a propaganda tool for terrorist organisations, which can cite the interview as “evidence” that the Nigerian state is divided and that its leaders are corrupt.
6. Personal Reflections: Why I Speak Out
I have had the privilege of working alongside General Buratai both during his tenure as Chief of Army Staff and after his retirement. In those capacities, I witnessed firsthand his unwavering commitment to the principle that “no ransom should be paid to terrorists.”
These experiences have left me with an indelible conviction that General Buratai’s legacy is one of “integrity, courage, and service.” To see that legacy tarnished by baseless insinuations is, to me, an affront not only to a single individual but to every Nigerian who has ever worn a uniform or who has suffered the scourge of terrorism.
7. A Call to Accountability and a Plea for Responsible Public Discourse
To Major General Ali Keffi, I respectfully submit the following:
1. Retract the Allegations: In the interest of truth and national harmony, I urge you to issue a public retraction of the statements made against General Buratai and any other individuals implicated in your interview.
2. Provide Evidence: If you possess any credible information that substantiates the claim of terrorism financing, present it to the appropriate investigative bodies—namely the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) and the Department of State Services (DSS)—so that due process may be followed.
3. Apologise: A sincere apology to General Buratai, his family, and the wider Nigerian public will go a long way in mitigating the damage caused by the interview.
To my fellow citizens, I ask that we demand “evidencebased discourse” from our public figures. The price of allowing falsehoods to proliferate unchecked is far greater than the momentary satisfaction of venting frustration. It is a price paid in the currency of national cohesion, investor confidence, and, most tragically, the lives of those who continue to fight on the frontlines.
Let it be very clear: no one in this world can destroy the immaculate service of military leaders like General TY Buratai, who today is widely acclaimed as an accomplished tactician and counterterrorism operations leader not only in Nigeria but also in countries such as Rwanda, Brazil, South Korea, and the United States. As for collaborating, aiding, facilitating or covering for any armed opposition group, even the terrorists themselves would be surprised, and perhaps laughing, at such baseless allegations. In truth, General Buratai is an innocent victim of blackmail by sinister and cowardly politicians.
8. Conclusion
In sum, the interview granted by Retired Major General Ali Keffi on Arise TV contains serious, unsubstantiated accusations that, if left unchallenged, could have farreaching legal and societal consequences. The factual record, as documented in military reports, intelligence assessments, and reputable international analyses, demonstrates that Lieutenant General TY Buratai, during his command and after his retirement, consistently acted in the best interests of Nigeria, refusing ransom payments, degrading Boko Haram’s operational capacity, and upholding the rule of law
The law is clear: “accusations of terrorism financing must be backed by proof.” The absence of such proof renders the statements defamatory and potentially criminal. As a concerned Nigerian, I stand ready to support any lawful investigation into these matters, and I call upon General Keffi to either substantiate his claims or to retract them unequivocally.
Let us, as a nation, recommit ourselves to the principles of “justice, truth, and accountability,” and reject the politics of innuendo that only serves to weaken our collective resolve against terrorism.
May God continue to bless Nigeria and guide our leaders toward peace and prosperity.
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