The Gombe Blueprint: Cultivating Peace Through Land Reform

By Shu’aibu Usman Leman

Across the vast stretches of Nigeria, the escalating friction between farmers and pastoralists has transitioned from a localised concern into a profound threat to the nation’s social and economic stability. What was once an occasional rural dispute has increasingly evolved into violent confrontation, undermining food security and weakening the fragile stability of rural communities.

At a time when Nigeria is grappling with inflation, food shortages and economic uncertainty, disruptions in agricultural production carry consequences far beyond the villages where they occur. The farmer-herder conflict has therefore become not only a security issue but also a pressing national development challenge.

Yet within this complex national landscape, Gombe State is emerging as a compelling example of how proactive governance can transform a longstanding conflict into an opportunity for reform. The state is demonstrating that foresight, rather than force, can manage rural tensions through deliberate land-use policies and renewed engagement with traditional institutions.

Historically, farmers and pastoralists maintained a relationship characterised by mutual dependence rather than hostility. For generations across the Sahel, both groups developed a system of seasonal cooperation that allowed each to benefit from the other’s activities.

Pastoralists migrated with rainfall patterns, guiding their livestock across designated corridors and grazing fields after harvest. By doing this, cows ate leftover crops and added organic manure to the soil, which naturally got the land ready for the next planting cycle.

This delicate balance functioned as an unwritten but respected agreement that sustained agricultural productivity across large parts of northern Nigeria. Communities understood the rhythm of movement, and traditional mediation resolved conflicts long before they escalated.

However, the pressures of modern development have gradually strained their once harmonious relationship. Rapid population growth has significantly expanded farmland, pushing cultivation into areas that historically served as grazing routes.

At the same time, environmental challenges have intensified the problem.
Desertification, driven by climate change and unsustainable land use, has steadily reduced grazing resources in northern zones, forcing pastoralists to move further south in search of pasture.

These migrations frequently bring livestock into direct contact with farms at critical stages of crop development. A single incident of cattle straying into cultivated fields can easily destroy months of labour, turning minor disputes into emotionally charged confrontations.
Compounding the situation is the widespread availability of small arms and the erosion of traditional conflict-resolution mechanisms. Where elders once intervened to settle disputes swiftly, mistrust and insecurity now allow disagreements to escalate dangerously.

Recognising the dangers of reactive responses to such crises, the administration of Governor Muhammadu Inuwa Yahaya has adopted a more preventative strategy. Instead of responding only after violence erupts, the state government has begun addressing the structural causes of the conflict.

Central to this approach is the implementation of the state government’s White Paper on Grazing Reserves and Cattle Routes as well as farmer–herder relations.

This policy framework represents a deliberate effort to restore order and clarity in land management across rural communities.

Under the supervision of the White Paper Implementation Committee, chaired by Retired AIG Babaji Sunday, the state has embarked on the painstaking task of identifying and re-establishing traditional cattle routes, locally known as bolari.

By clearly demarcating these corridors, the government aims to reduce accidental encroachment and provide pastoralists with recognised pathways for livestock movement. This simple but crucial step removes one of the most common triggers of rural conflict.

Alongside the restoration of grazing routes, the state has also intensified efforts to protect grazing reserves and forest areas from illegal encroachment. Safeguarding these designated lands ensures that both farming and pastoral activities can continue without unnecessary overlap.

As preparations intensify for the 2026 farming season, the urgency of these reforms has become increasingly evident. Rather than waiting for tensions to surface during planting or harvesting periods, the state has chosen to act well in advance.

Equally significant is the government’s decision to involve traditional institutions in implementing these policies. In many rural communities, the authority of emirs, district heads and village chiefs remains stronger than that of distant bureaucratic structures.

By working closely with these leaders through sensitisation campaigns and community dialogue, the government has transformed policy directives into locally understood and accepted rules. This partnership ensures that communities respect boundaries not just out of legal obligation, but also through communal consensus.

Such engagement reinforces an important truth about rural governance: that sustainable peace often emerges from dialogue and cultural understanding rather than enforcement alone.

When communities feel ownership of the rules guiding their livelihoods, compliance becomes far more natural.
The reforms also reflect a broader shift in attitudes toward environmental management. Forest and game reserves are no longer viewed simply as idle land waiting to be exploited but as strategic assets essential for ecological stability.

Protecting these ecosystems helps slow the advance of desertification and preserves grazing areas that might otherwise disappear. In this way, environmental stewardship becomes a powerful tool for preventing future conflict.

Encouragingly, early indicators suggest that these measures are already yielding positive results. Reports from agricultural authorities point to a noticeable decline in violent encounters across several farming communities within the state.

While challenges remain, including demographic pressures and the risk of conflicts spilling over from neighbouring regions, Gombe’s experience provides a helpful lesson to other states confronting similar tensions.

Clarity in land management is indispensable, but clarity alone is insufficient without consistent implementation. Policies need political will, administrative discipline, and community involvement to work.

The emerging model in Gombe shows that the convergence of these elements can transform long-standing rural conflicts into opportunities for cooperation and shared prosperity.

If sustained, this approach could restore the delicate balance that once defined relations between the hoe and the herd, fostering a collaborative environment where farmers and herders work together to enhance agricultural productivity and reduce conflicts. More importantly, it offers hope that Nigeria’s agricultural heartlands can once again become zones of productivity rather than battlegrounds of competition.

– Shu’aibu Usman Leman is the former National Secretary of the Nigeria Union of Journalists (NUJ).

Iran, Beware the Fangs of January, the Scourge of February, and the Ides of March is a work (3)

by Hassan Gimba 

Israel’s message to one of the intermediaries was that it would not participate in the US attack, and therefore, it asked Iran not to target Israel. This request was also met with a negative response from Iran, which explicitly stated that with the start of US military action, Israel would be attacked. This made Netanyahu threaten to attack Iran with a force “1,000 times greater than they have known”, alluding to the use of nuclear bombs. The US and Europe have been saying that Iran would use a bomb if it had one. The world has now seen who is itching to use it.

Unlike Israel, which has been in a constant state of war and attacked over eight countries last year, Iran has not attacked any country in the past 300 years, except in self-defence. Israel, in 2025 alone, attacked more countries than any other country in the world. It attacked six countries: Palestine, Iran, Lebanon, Qatar, Syria, and Yemen. It also carried out strikes in Tunisian, Maltese and Greek territorial waters with aid flotillas heading for Gaza. According to Armed Conflict Location and Event Data (ACLED), an independent conflict monitor, from January 1 to December 5, Israel carried out at least 10,631 attacks, marking one of the broadest geographic military offensives in a single year. This was in addition to repeatedly violating the ceasefire agreements made in Gaza and Lebanon, with the exception of years involving Iran.

According to ACLED, from January 1 to December 5, 2025, Israel conducted 8,332 attacks in Gaza and the occupied West Bank, 1,653 attacks in Lebanon, 379 attacks in Iran, 207 attacks in Syria, 48 attacks in Yemen, one attack in Qatar, two attacks in Tunisian waters, and one attack each in Maltese and Greek waters.

However, in a conflict, the US would try to keep its key forces, like aircraft carriers, hundreds of kilometres away to avoid Iran’s anti-ship missiles. It would also defend its regional bases vigorously. But Iran would rally its regional allies to pressure the US from multiple fronts.

Iran’s terrain would be impossible to conquer – an obvious advantage. The Persians are, of course, technologically advanced and are particularly ahead of everyone else in the realm of asymmetric warfare. The Iranian leadership foresaw the current scenario years ago. It identified the U.S. military’s most obvious weaknesses and developed an effective doctrine accordingly: hypersonic missiles, drone swarms, and a light/fast navy.

Imagine a squadron of F-18 pilots returning to land on the USS Lincoln while the carrier is desperately engaged in evasive manoeuvres under attack from swarms of drones in the air and mini-submarines below. It is not going to work; it just can’t work.

But what do Trump and Netanyahu want? According to Iran’s Foreign Minister, Abbas Araqchi, “The United States’ demands that Iran eliminate its stockpile of uranium and commit to zero enrichment are unrealistic. Their demands regarding our missile program and our support for our allies are non-negotiable. Iran will not subjugate itself to any foreign dictates. We are an independent nation, and we determine our course.”

The terms are clear and arduous. Iran is expected to fully abandon its nuclear program, stop missile development, or produce missiles whose range would not surpass 500 kilometres, cut ties with regional armed groups, and accept strict U.S. control and inspections. In return, Washington offers possible sanctions relief and the promise of no military attack. No firm guarantees. No equal ground. Sounds like demands, rather than negotiation – what the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps termed “surrender dressed up as diplomacy”.

The demands, when looked at carefully, are all just about Israel, and there is no talk of the Iranian people they want “to help”. The lifting of sanctions was “possible”, and a 500 km cap wouldn’t reach Israel.

Meanwhile, the US persists in providing Israel with an extensive arsenal of lethal weapons. Israel last year attacked Iran, unprovoked, killing scores of its generals and scientists.

Trump once claimed that “all nuclear sites in Iran have been completely destroyed and/or obliterated…it would take years to bring them back into service…” but in contradiction, he now insists that he wants to strike the nation’s nuclear sites. His Defence Secretary, Pete Hegseth, also claimed they dealt the “final blow” to Iran’s nuke ambitions. But now, just like with Venezuela, the narrative has changed.

Iran has responded by offering negotiations under one condition: equal rules for all regional powers. Tehran proposes a nuclear-free Middle East, including restrictions on Israel’s weapons. But America, no doubt at the behest of Israel, has rejected the proposal.

One may ask, what happened to the deal, the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) signed by Iran and the US, UK, France, Russia, China, and Germany, with the explicit intention of preventing Iran from obtaining a nuclear weapon while simultaneously reintroducing the regime into the international community?

The International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) was to be guaranteed access to inspect and monitor sites, including potentially “undeclared” sites, through a defined dispute-resolution system.

In return, Iran would receive substantial sanctions relief, including the unfreezing of billions of dollars in Iranian assets and foreign currency reserves.

True diplomacy, exemplified by a brilliant and well-constructed attempt by a genuine statesman, Barack Obama, brought traditional adversaries to the table to find common ground in the pursuit of global peace.

Netanyahu, in particular, aggressively criticised the deal as a “historic mistake” and urged Republicans to oppose it during a speech to Congress while Obama was still President; this pressure contributed to Trump’s decision to withdraw from the deal, which he called “the worst deal ever” in 2018.

The Europeans, Chinese, and Russians attempted to continue the deal without the U.S., but Trump not only reimposed sanctions, he also added new ones. Initially, Iran complied with the agreement; however, after about a year of inaction, it began to incrementally breach the terms and recommence enrichment programmes that had been halted under the deal.

The Siamese twins and the system handling them are aware of what they are doing. They are engaged in a strategic manoeuvre. Through the collapse of Iran, they aim to achieve three things: corner the world’s oil and gas for the US, bring China to its knees, and cut off Russia from the South. That would effectively nip the emerging multipolar world in the bud, and the world would come under the hegemon’s dictatorship, with everyone else an underling.

While they are doing all they can to isolate Iran internationally through the cancellation of invitations to international events and destroy its economy through sanctions, Iran must muster efforts to counter that, especially from an economic perspective. It can no longer rely on the old idea of rules-based order. Recent events in Gaza, in particular, along with unilateral actions against international law by the Siamese twins and their tag team leaders, have demonstrated that the rules-based international order is flawed and that transnational institutions have failed to uphold their principles, resulting in a loss of relevance.

Iran may need to consider adopting the Chinese currency, even if only for a limited period. The Chinese currency is strong and cannot be undermined in the same way that America and the West have undermined Iran’s currency.

Yet all that Trump is doing is American policy; it does not matter whether the president is a Democrat or a Republican. Trump is just being too obvious. Call it crude, unpolished, insensitive, or by whatever name; that’s the aim of America, the tiger, and Israel, the tail that wags it. It’s their policy. They are just being desperate now because the writing is on the wall: it is the desperation of a dying empire – the last kicks of a dying horse.

Concluded.

Hassan Gimba is the publisher and CEO of Neptune Prime.

Dr Langa, Hassan Bangunji (JP): A Life Dedicated to Physics, Public Service, and Community Development

By Ben Ngwakwe, Gombe

Born on 10 October 1966 in Bangunji, Shongom Local Government Area of Gombe State, Dr Langa Hassan Bangunji (JP) has built a distinguished career that bridges academia, public administration, community leadership, and energy research. Over more than three decades, he has emerged as one of Gombe State’s most enduring contributors to science education, institutional development, and public service.

Dr Langa’s early education began at Bangunji Primary School, where his academic curiosity first took shape. He proceeded to Government Secondary School, Cham, and later Government Science Secondary School, Gombe, completing his secondary education in 1984. His strong inclination towards science led him to Abubakar Tafawa Balewa University (ATBU), Bauchi, where he earned a Bachelor of Technology degree in Applied Physics in 1990.

Determined to deepen his expertise and professional relevance, Dr Langa pursued teacher training at the Federal College of Education (Technical), Gombe, obtaining a Teachers Training Certificate in Science in 1993. He further enhanced his technical competence with a postgraduate diploma in electrical/electronics from ATBU Bauchi in 1998, followed by a general certificate in computer studies in 2003. His passion for energy studies took him to the Federal University of Technology, Yola, where he earned a master’s degree in energy physics in 2007, and later to Modibbo Adama University of Technology (MAUTECH), Yola, where he completed a PhD in energy physics in July 2015.

Dr Langa’s professional journey began with industrial training at ATBU Bauchi and national service at Boys Secondary School, Unubi, Anambra State, where he served as both a physics teacher and a form master. Upon returning to the Northeast, he briefly taught at GSSS Dass as Head of Physics before joining the Federal College of Education (Technical), Gombe, in 1992—an institution that would become the anchor of his academic career.

At FCE (T) Gombe, Dr Langa steadily rose through the ranks, becoming one of the institution’s most experienced and influential academics. He served at various times as Examination Officer, School Secretary, Head of the Department of Physics (2009–2017), Dean of the School of Science (2011–2013), Deputy Director, and later Director of Academic Planning and Quality Assurance. His leadership was marked by a strong commitment to academic standards, transparent assessment processes, and institutional planning.

Beyond the college environment, Dr Langa distinguished himself in public service, serving as a member of the Gombe State Executive Council between 1999 and 2003. During this period, he was appointed Honourable Commissioner for Water Resources and Environment and at different times acted as Commissioner in the Ministries of Health, Works and Housing, and Women Affairs and Youth Development. His tenure coincided with Nigeria’s growing engagement with environmental governance, water resource management, and sustainable development, leading to his participation in National Councils on Water Resources and Environment, as well as Presidential Committees on projects such as the Dadin-Kowa Hydro Power Project and the National Shelter Belt Initiative.

In September 2017, Dr Langa reached a major milestone in educational leadership when he was appointed Provost of the College of Education, Billiri, a position he held until August 2022. His tenure was characterised by administrative reforms, staff development initiatives, and a renewed focus on academic quality and institutional stability. He later proceeded on sabbatical leave to the College of Education, Zing, further extending his influence across Nigeria’s colleges of education.

A committed teacher and mentor, Dr Langa has supervised 45 NCE research projects and 12 undergraduate projects; some of them were published in reputable journals while teaching a wide range of physics courses, including Mechanics, Electricity and Magnetism, Thermodynamics, Atomic and Nuclear Physics, Electronics, Statistical Physics, and Energy & Environmental Physics. His research interests, firmly rooted in energy physics, renewable energy, and domestic energy consumption, have produced numerous scholarly publications in reputable national and international journals.

Dr Langa’s academic output spans studies on solar energy utilisation, biomass and fuel consumption, nuclear energy as a development option, and improved cooking stove efficiency, contributing valuable insights to Nigeria’s energy and environmental discourse. His work has positioned him as a respected voice on sustainable energy solutions, particularly within the context of developing economies.

Outside the classroom and government office, Dr Langa is deeply involved in community service, faith-based initiatives, and traditional institutions. He serves on the traditional councils of the Dadiya, Kaltungo, and Tangale chiefdoms and has held leadership roles in community development associations, youth organisations, and church boards. His advisory roles to student fellowships and youth groups reflect his lifelong commitment to mentorship and moral leadership.

His contributions have earned him numerous traditional titles and merit awards, including Dan Masanin Bangunji, Dan Ruwatun Dadiya, Sarkin Zangon Kaltungo, Garkuwan Ilimin Tangale, and State Patron of the Boys Brigade of Nigeria, Gombe State.

These honours recognise not only his professional achievements but also his enduring service to education, culture, and community development.

Currently a Chief Lecturer at the Federal College of Education (Technical), Gombe, under the Federal Ministry of Education and the National Commission for Colleges of Education (NCCE), Dr Langa remains actively engaged in academic planning, quality assurance, research supervision, and national educational discourse.

Bangunji has served either as chairman or as a member of sensitive committees both within and outside the college. In his leisure, he enjoys reading and playing badminton.

Dr Langa, Hassan Bangunji (JP), stands as a compelling example of how scholarship, public service, and community leadership can intersect to create a life of sustained impact one that continues to shape institutions, inspire students, and contribute meaningfully to Nigeria’s educational and developmental aspirations.