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Jigawa 2027: Between Namadi’s Legacy And The Circling Shadows

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Jigawa 2027: Between Namadi’s Legacy And The Circling Shadows

 Jigawa 2027: Between Namadi’s Legacy and the Circling Shadows

By Ahmad Sunusi

Jigawa State, like its counterparts across the Nigerian federation, is buzzing with political activities and various forms of electioneering campaigns. However, while opposition parties are working tirelessly—deploying every tactic, including outright falsehoods—to persuade the people to buy into their empty promises, the citizens themselves appear largely unfazed by such antics. Even the perceived cracks within the APC, reportedly orchestrated by a former governor and minister, do not seem to trouble the people of Jigawa.

One may wonder why, in a political environment such as Nigeria’s—where noise often substitutes for substance—we are witnessing a relatively calm atmosphere in Jigawa. The answer lies in Governor Umar Namadi. Since assuming office in 2023, he has charted a different course, defined less by rhetoric and more by measurable outcomes. For a state like Jigawa, long regarded as agrarian and structurally modest, the emergence of a governance model anchored on deliberate and incremental impact deserves close attention.

While Nigerian political commentary often swings between exaggeration and outright dismissal of impact, what is unfolding in Jigawa under Namadi occupies a rare middle ground—marked by transformation that is both tangible and verifiable.

At the core of the Namadi administration’s approach is the “Greater Jigawa Initiative,” a structured development framework that departs from the ad hoc governance style that has historically characterised many subnational governments. Rather than scattershot interventions, the state appears to be pursuing a layered strategy—agriculture, infrastructure, healthcare, youth empowerment, and institutional reform—each reinforcing the other.

Take agriculture, for instance. As the economic mainstay for nearly 90 percent of the population, getting it right is not optional. There is a broad consensus that policy missteps in this sector can have devastating ripple effects. With this understanding, the Namadi administration has embarked on targeted investments in tangible assets and programmes designed to sustain agricultural growth. The procurement of tractors, modern farming implements, and similar interventions is aimed at addressing productivity constraints that have long trapped rural farmers in subsistence cycles.

Beyond mechanisation, however, the deeper shift is structural—the alignment of agriculture with broader economic policy. The push toward agro-processing zones and value-chain development reflects an understanding that farming alone does not create wealth; processing and market access must also be prioritised. Here, Namadi’s background as an accountant becomes evident. The reality in Jigawa today reveals a clear preference for systems over rhetoric—an approach capable of delivering lasting impact.

Infrastructure has also seen renewed commitment. The construction of over 500 kilometres of rural roads is not merely about connectivity; it is about economic circulation. When rural communities—who sustain the state’s economy through farming—can access markets efficiently and move goods and labour with ease, the entire local economy begins to function more effectively. Where there are roads, opportunity often follows.

Equally significant is the 1,500-unit housing project valued at ₦6 billion, a move that addresses both urban pressure and social stability. In many Nigerian states, housing projects are often reduced to political showpieces—announced with fanfare but rarely completed. In Jigawa, however, available evidence suggests a departure from that pattern. The administration’s focus appears to be on completion and functionality.

Perhaps the most consequential investments are those that do not immediately capture media attention—particularly in education and healthcare. In education, for instance, Namadi has overseen the renovation of over 700 classrooms, alongside targeted improvements in literacy and numeracy under programmes such as Jigawa UNITE. This reflects a recognition that development is generational and must be approached with urgency. The underlying philosophy is clear: a competitive state cannot be built on a weak educational foundation.

Similarly, developments in healthcare tell a story of resolve. The upgrading of 287 ward-level health centres, coupled with direct financing to hundreds of primary healthcare facilities, signals a decentralised approach aimed at bringing healthcare closer to the people rather than concentrating it in urban centres. When combined with partnerships delivering vaccines, nutritional support, and free medical interventions, a consistent pattern emerges—one of deliberate, collaborative service delivery.

Youth empowerment is another critical pillar. Often reduced elsewhere to tokenistic handouts, the approach in Jigawa appears more structured. The establishment of the Jigawa State Youth Employment and Empowerment Agency institutionalises this effort. The scale of impact—reaching hundreds of thousands of beneficiaries, particularly women—suggests a deliberate effort to carry all demographics along in the development process.

Then there is the less glamorous but equally vital aspect: governance itself. Jigawa State’s adoption of open governance frameworks, including public access to financial records and project timelines, marks a significant shift from opacity. While many states operate closed fiscal systems, Namadi’s administration appears committed to transparency as a governing principle. Practices such as budget padding and project duplication—common in less transparent systems—find little room to thrive in such an environment. Transparency here is not just a virtue; it is a deliberate disruption.

This may explain why the state is attracting recognition beyond its size. From innovation awards to strong budget performance rankings, the indicators suggest that something is working. However, it would be intellectually dishonest to portray the situation as flawless.

Despite its progress, Jigawa—like many states in Northern Nigeria—continues to face broader challenges, including poverty, climate vulnerability, and the ever-present risk of insecurity spilling over from neighbouring regions. The relative peace the state enjoys today is as much a product of proactive governance as it is of geography. Sustaining this balance will require vigilance and continuity.

There is also the issue of scalability. Can these reforms endure beyond the current administration? Nigerian states are replete with abandoned “legacy projects” that failed to survive political transitions. The true test of Namadi’s model will depend not only on what is built, but on whether those achievements can outlive his tenure. Nonetheless, there is a discipline in his governance style that is difficult to ignore.

Ultimately, the sustainability of Namadi’s impact depends on continuity beyond 2027. Such continuity would ensure that the current trajectory is maintained—moving from policy conception to full implementation. It offers the opportunity to build not just infrastructure, but a governance culture rooted in results rather than applause.

However, this cannot be achieved by the governor alone. The people of Jigawa must also play their part. This is a defining moment—one that calls for active participation at the polls, for citizens to defend the mandate they granted in 2023, and to resist the “circling shadows,” both within and outside the ruling party, whose primary interest may be power rather than progress. Jigawa cannot afford regression. The choice, as always, rests with the people.

Ahmad writes from Dutse.

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Guest Column

Local Government Autonomy: Nigeria’s Missing Weapon Against Insecurity and Banditry

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Local Government Autonomy: Nigeria’s Missing Weapon Against Insecurity and Banditry

Local Government Autonomy: Nigeria’s Missing Weapon Against Insecurity and Banditry

By Aishatu Kabu
Following my recent article titled Cashless Policy: Our Most Underused Weapon Against Banditry, I am impressed by the debate it generated. Many people argue that the policy alone is not enough to end banditry. I agree with them; my post does not claim the policy will fully address banditry, but it will weaken the value chain.
Nigeria’s security issues are complex, which is why the government has always preached a non-kinetic approach as an alternative even when the majority are in disagreement with the government.
Perhaps one of the issues government should ponder and reflect upon is local government autonomy, because the average Nigerian believes that insecurity is a governance failure. But is insecurity a governance failure? Yes, and here is why:
Local government in Nigeria is practically non-existent today. A tier constitutionally designed to be autonomous has been reduced to an appendage of state governors, making essential basic amenities difficult to reach the grassroots.
In Nigeria, a ward councillor in the early 4th Republic had more room to deliver than most LG chairmen do today. They could fix a borehole or grade a road without waiting months for Government House approval. When last did you witness your local government chairman executing a township road network, constructing healthcare facilities, or building dispensaries or schools? If the answer is no, then are Nigerian LGs independent institutions, or just conduits for states to spend public funds without accountability?
Nigerians first celebrated Federal High Court rulings under President Buhari declaring joint accounts illegal. The victory was sealed on July 11, 2024, when the Supreme Court in Attorney General of the Federation v. Attorney General of Abia State & 35 Others ordered that the 774 LGs must receive allocations directly from the Federation Account, declaring state control of LG funds unconstitutional.
This struggle is not new. Since 1999, civil society, labour unions, and LG chairmen have fought to free the third tier from state capture. Every president from Obasanjo to Jonathan to Buhari promised “true autonomy” but left office with the joint account system intact. The July 2024 judgement is only the latest chapter in a decades-long battle to make the Constitution’s promise of LG autonomy real.
But have LGs become autonomous to date? Look at how they operate in your state. Are they free from interference and micromanagement? The answer is no. What do you think could have been the issue?
In my opinion, court judgements are not enough. If we want lasting peace in Nigeria, we must institutionalise autonomy. Local governments must be empowered to take charge of their administration and deliver good governance, being the closest to the people tier of government. The core problem is simple: as long as governors control LG elections through State Independent Electoral Commissions, LG chairmen will remain loyal to Government House, not to the Constitution or their people.
If the federal government cannot take over LG elections due to constitutional limits, then President Tinubu must use political will differently. He should partner directly with civil society and grassroots Nigerians.
He can create a “Nigeria Participatory Democracy Fund” to empower CSOs like Yiaga Africa, ActionAid Nigeria, Connected Development, and BudgIT to train 100 young citizens per LG area to track LG funds and projects. That’s 77,400 citizen monitors nationwide.
This matters because accountability at the LG level is almost zero. Yet LGs received ₦4.1 trillion in FAAC allocations between Jan 2023 and Dec 2024, according to NEITI and BudgIT data. But communities see little benefit from it. Banditry thrives, insecurity continues to remain a sustainable business model, citizens live in fear, vulnerability increases, and poverty becomes a normalised way of life. If local governments were allowed to use their resources judiciously, ₦4.1 trillion in FAAC allocation in two years is enough to address some basic community problems today. Even smaller things like addressing out-of-school children that merely have to do with the community are not addressed by local government. They are waiting for the state to provide them directives on what to do and how to do it. Where is the autonomy in this?
Some may argue that local government administrators aren’t angels. They are products of the same political systems that produced governors; therefore, even when they receive autonomy, nothing will change. But wait, autonomy can be accompanied by transparency, citizen oversight, and stronger financial management systems to ensure resources translate into better services.
This argument is not to attack anyone. For Nigeria to work and address insecurity, LGs must control and spend their resources for their people. That will reduce poverty, create jobs, and address the insecurity that thrives where government is absent. Banditry is a local problem that requires a local solution, just as terrorism cannot be defeated from Abuja while it operates in forests. States also can’t fix grassroots issues and problems.
Autonomous LGs can fund vigilantes, fix feeder roads, and light up villages in weeks because they have only their local government to think for, not the entire state. When power and money reach the grassroots, communities gain the capacity to protect themselves instead of waiting for rescue and direction from the governor on what to do and how to do it. Governors don’t understand community issues better than the local government chairman.
Local government autonomy is not merely a constitutional issue; it is a development imperative. If Nigeria is serious about addressing insecurity, reducing poverty, improving basic services, and strengthening democracy, power and resources must genuinely reach the grassroots.
Until we fix LG autonomy to address governance failures, every other policy remains treating symptoms while the disease kills our communities.
Aishatu Kabu
writes from Maiduguri,
Borno State.

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Guest Column

Sokoto: Gov. Aliyu’s New Harvest Of Projects

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Sokoto: Gov. Aliyu's New Harvest Of Projects

Sokoto: Gov. Aliyu’s New Harvest Of Projects

 

By Umar Yusuf

 

In politics, some leaders discuss their plans, while others quietly get to work. The latter category often allows projects and results to speak louder than press statements, political advertisements and endless public relations exercises.

 

Since the emergence of the Governor Ahmed Aliyu-led administration, commissioning ceremonies—whether for completed projects or the flag-off of new ones—have become a recurring feature of governance in Sokoto State. As the state once again enters another round of project commissioning activities this June, it becomes increasingly clear that Governor Ahmed Aliyu Sokoto is determined to reinforce a governing philosophy that has become synonymous with his administration: promises made must be pursued and delivered.

 

The ceremonies scheduled across different parts of the state are not isolated events. These ceremonies are part of a broader continuum of infrastructural renewal that has defined the administration since Governor Aliyu assumed office nearly three years ago.

 

To appreciate the significance of the projects currently being commissioned, one must first recall the circumstances under which the present administration came into office.

 

At the time Governor Aliyu took over the reins of leadership, many sectors of public life in Sokoto State required urgent intervention. Concerns exist across education, healthcare, transportation, housing, and rural development. Yet perhaps no challenge was as visible and as painful to ordinary citizens as the crisis surrounding potable water supply.

 

For many residents of the Sokoto metropolis and surrounding communities, access to water had become both difficult and expensive. Families spent considerable portions of their income purchasing water from vendors. What should ordinarily have been a basic social service had become a daily struggle.

 

Recognising the importance of water for public welfare, Governor Aliyu moved swiftly. He showed from the onset that he had no intention of treating water scarcity as a routine administrative challenge. To his government, water was an emergency requiring immediate and sustained intervention.

 

Massive investments were directed toward the rehabilitation and expansion of water schemes throughout the state. Ageing facilities were revived, abandoned projects were revisited, and new infrastructure was introduced to improve distribution. Projects such as the rehabilitation of the Old Airport Water Scheme, the Tamaje Water Scheme, and other strategic water facilities helped restore supplies to many communities that had endured years of shortages.

 

Today, even critics of the administration acknowledge the significant improvements in the water situation compared to previous conditions. The turnaround has not only reduced hardship for residents but has also restored confidence in the government’s capacity to respond effectively to public needs.

 

Water, however, represents only one chapter of a much broader story.

 

Over the last three years, the Ahmed Aliyu administration has embarked on an ambitious program of infrastructural development that touches virtually every sector of governance. Across the state, roads such as the Mabera-Mani Road, the Gawon Nama Axis, and several township roads have been constructed or rehabilitated, improving mobility and commercial activities.

 

Healthcare: Hospitals and primary care centres have received upgrades, equipment, and rehabilitation work aimed at improving service delivery. Educational institutions have similarly benefited from renovation projects, the provision of learning facilities, and investments intended to improve the learning environment.

 

The administration has also pursued housing projects, including the ongoing construction of hundreds of housing units for civil servants and vulnerable groups. Agricultural support programmes, youth empowerment initiatives and interventions targeted at stimulating local economic activities have equally featured prominently within the government’s development agenda.

 

What is perhaps most remarkable is the geographical spread of these interventions. Rather than concentrating development exclusively within the Sokoto metropolis, the government has consistently sought to extend projects into local government areas and rural communities.

 

This approach reflects an understanding that development is meaningful only when it reaches the people wherever they reside.

 

It is against this backdrop that the current round of commissioning activities should be viewed.

 

Last Friday’s commissioning of the Illela Jumu’at Mosque was more than a ceremonial event. It also provided an opportunity to reflect on the administration’s third anniversary and the progress recorded thus far.

 

The choice of Illela itself is significant. Situated along the border corridor, the town occupies an important position within the state’s commercial and social landscape. Investments in the area therefore carry implications not only for local residents but also for regional economic activities and cross-border trade.

 

Today, attention shifts to another important milestone with the commissioning of 100 housing units for internally displaced individuals in Illela Local Government Area.

 

At a time when insecurity has displaced thousands of citizens across different parts of Northern Nigeria, housing interventions targeted at vulnerable populations deserve recognition.

 

Providing shelter is not merely about constructing buildings. It’s about restoring dignity, rebuilding lives and creating conditions for displaced families to start over.

 

The decision to invite Professor Babagana Umara Zulum, Governor of Borno State, to perform the commissioning is equally symbolic.

 

Governor Zulum has earned national recognition for his commitment to rebuilding communities affected by insurgency. His participation underscores the importance of collaborative approaches to addressing displacement and humanitarian challenges.

 

Beyond the housing project, Professor Zulum will also perform the foundation-laying ceremony for the Illela International Market.

 

This project may ultimately prove to be one of the most economically consequential initiatives of the administration.

 

Markets are more than places where goods exchange hands. They are engines of local economies. They create jobs, stimulate investments, attract traders, and expand commercial opportunities in their surrounding communities.

 

Given Illela’s strategic location as a gateway community to the Republic of Niger, an ultramodern international market possesses the potential to transform trade activities while strengthening Sokoto State’s position within regional commerce. The benefits could extend far beyond local government boundaries.

 

The following day will witness another housing initiative in Rabah Local Government Area, where the foundation stone for an additional 100 housing units for internally displaced individuals will be laid.

 

The project demonstrates that the administration’s housing interventions are components of a wider policy framework aimed at social welfare, community rehabilitation and inclusive development.

 

Then comes the commissioning of the Mana Water Scheme on June 18, to be performed by the governor of Kano State, Abba Kabir Yusuf.

 

For some observers, the commissioning of another water project may appear routine. In reality, it is anything but routine when viewed against the backdrop of the severe water challenges that existed before Governor Aliyu assumed office.

 

Water remains one of the clearest indicators of governmental responsiveness. Every new scheme commissioned translates into reduced hardship for households, improved sanitation, better public health outcomes and enhanced economic productivity.

 

The Mana Water Scheme therefore represents another important step in consolidating gains already recorded within the sector.

 

The commissioning activities reveal that tangible outcomes ultimately measure governance.

 

Political speeches have their place. Campaign promises are necessary. But nothing can substitute for concrete impact, measured in flowing taps, functional roads, improved hospitals, modern schools, housing estates, and thriving markets.

 

These are the parameters through which citizens eventually judge governments. It’s ultimately about what people can see, touch and benefit from.

 

A road either exists or it does not. Again, a water scheme either supplies water or it fails to supply water. The same applies to housing estates, hospitals, schools, markets, and countless other public assets.

 

In this regard, the Aliyu administration appears determined to ensure that its record is defined by visible interventions rather than abstract promises.

 

Naturally, no government is beyond criticism. Challenges remain and expectations continue to rise. There are sectors where citizens still demand faster progress and broader interventions. Such demands are legitimate in every democratic society. However, it is also crucial to recognise and acknowledge progress whenever it occurs.

 

The projects being commissioned across Sokoto State this week provide further evidence that the administration continues to invest in infrastructure, social welfare, and economic development. More importantly, they demonstrate consistency in governance priorities rather than the abandonment of campaign commitments.

 

As the commissioning ceremonies unfold, they collectively represent something larger than individual projects scattered across different local government areas.

 

They represent the harvest of deliberate planning, sustained investment and a governing philosophy anchored on delivering visible benefits to the people.

 

For Governor Ahmed Aliyu Sokoto, this season of commissioning is therefore not merely a celebration of completed projects. It is a reminder that development is a continuous journey and that the true measure of leadership lies not in promises made but in promises fulfilled.

 

Umar writes from Sokoto.

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Guest Column

The north need to face the reality

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The north need to face the reality

 

The north need to face the reality

 

By Adamu Saleh

 

On a daily basis, innocent lives are being lost to the activities of Boko Haram, kidnappers, and other criminal elements across Northern Nigeria. Yet, our leaders—and even some members of the public—appear more preoccupied with political celebrations, singing and dancing in the streets as though all is well in the region and the country at large.

Meanwhile, our fellow citizens in the southern part of the country are increasingly vocal in expressing their frustration over the government’s inadequate response to insecurity. They seize every available platform to protest and demand accountability. Recently, students were kidnapped in Oyo State, prompting widespread outrage. Notably, popular artist Davido was seen wearing a jacket bearing the names of the abducted schoolboys, while social media activist VeryDarkMan was captured in a viral video at the Defence Headquarters in Abuja, calling for the immediate rescue of the victims.

The Northern region has arguably suffered the most from terrorism and banditry for nearly two decades. However, a sense of resignation and fatalism appears to have taken root among many of us, dulling the urgency to confront these challenges and safeguard the future of coming generations.

This situation is deeply troubling. It is time for us to rise, take responsibility, and collectively redefine our path as a people within this country.

Saleh can be reached through bappandada1@gmail.com

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