Column
Nigerian Opposition: What You Have to Do
Nigerian Opposition: What You Have to Do
By Prince Charles Dickson PhD
“And Jesus said to Judas… what you are going to do, do quickly.”
There is a hard, almost rude lesson in that line. History does not wait for the timid to finish their committee meeting. Politics, especially Nigerian politics, is not kind to hesitation dressed as strategy. It rewards those who understand timing, nerve, structure, and the brutal arithmetic of power. That is where the Nigerian opposition now stands: not at the edge of impossibility, but at the edge of urgency.
The first truth is the one opposition politicians do not enjoy hearing at rallies where microphones are loud and introspection is scarce. They are not getting it right. The evidence is not only in Tinubu’s strength, but in their own disorder. INEC said on February 5, 2026, that there were now 21 registered political parties and warned that persistent internal leadership crises within parties pose a serious threat to democratic consolidation. Eight days later, the commission formally released the notice and timetable for the 2027 general elections. In other words, this is no longer the season of abstract grumbling. The whistle has gone. The race is live.
Yet the opposition often behaves like students who entered the examination hall with righteous anger but forgot their pens. Too much of its energy is spent on lamentation, rumours, courtroom oxygen, personality feuds, and that old Nigerian hobby of mistaking noise for architecture. You cannot defeat an incumbent machine by forming a WhatsApp coalition of wounded egos and calling it national salvation. Voters may clap for drama, but they still ask the unromantic question: who is in charge, what is the plan, and why should we trust you with the keys?
Now comes the more uncomfortable truth. The opposition is not facing an ordinary incumbent. It is facing Bola Ahmed Tinubu, a man whose political DNA was forged in opposition. He is not merely benefiting from power; he understands opposition as craft, pressure, infiltration, timing, persistence, and theatre. In his June 12, 2025 Democracy Day speech, he taunted rivals by saying it was “a pleasure to witness” their disarray, while also reminding Nigerians that he once stood almost alone against an overbearing ruling machine. This was not casual banter. It was a warning shot from a politician who knows both the grammar of resistance and the machinery of incumbency.
That is why copying Tinubu’s old template will not be enough. Yes, the coalition instinct is understandable. In July 2025, major opposition figures including Atiku Abubakar and Peter Obi aligned under the ADC banner, presenting themselves as a bulwark against one-party drift, with David Mark as interim chairman. But here is the problem: Tinubu’s own coalition history worked not simply because men gathered in one room and glared at the ruling party. It worked because there was a disciplined merger logic, state-level anchoring, message coordination, and a ruthless understanding of elite bargaining. What the present opposition sometimes offers instead is photocopy politics with low toner: a coalition of convenience trying to frighten a man who practically wrote the Nigerian handbook on political accommodation, defection management, and patient conquest.
This is also why the opposition’s moral complaint, though not baseless, cannot be its only language. Yes, concerns about democratic shrinkage are real. Tinubu himself publicly denied that Nigeria is moving toward a one-party state, even as defections from opposition parties to the APC intensified and his own party welcomed them. But to say “democracy is in danger” is not yet the same thing as building a democratic alternative. Nigerians do not eat constitutional anxiety for breakfast. They want a credible opposition that can protect pluralism and still explain food prices, jobs, security, power supply, transport costs, and what exactly it would do on Monday morning after taking office.
On the government’s side, the picture is mixed enough to make both triumphalism and apocalypse look unserious. Reuters reported this week that the World Bank expects Nigeria’s economy to grow by about 4.2% in 2026, with external buffers improving and the debt-to-GDP ratio falling for the first time in a decade. Inflation had eased to 15.06% in February from roughly 33% in late 2024. Those are not imaginary numbers, and any fair-minded analysis must admit that Tinubu’s reforms have altered the macroeconomic conversation. But the same report warned that the Iran war has pushed fuel prices up by more than 50%, with obvious consequences for transport, food, and household pain. Add the continuing insecurity, underscored again this week by the killing of a Nigerian army general in Borno, and the government begins to look like a man who has repaired the roof but left half the house still flooding. That is not collapse. It is not command either. It is meandering reform under political stress.
So what must the opposition do, and do quickly? First, it must stop making Tinubu the only subject of the campaign. Anti-Tinubu is not a manifesto. It is a mood. Moods trend; structures win. Second, it must settle leadership questions early and publicly, because no voter wants to hire a rescue team still fighting over the steering wheel. Third, it needs an issue coalition, not just an elite coalition. Security, inflation, youth jobs, electricity, federalism, and institutional reform must become a coherent national offer, not a buffet of press conference talking points. Fourth, it must build from the states upward. Presidential romance without subnational organisation is political karaoke: loud, emotional, and usually off-key by the second verse.
Fifth, it must look seriously at the legal terrain. The Electoral Act 2026 has made party organisation even more central. PLAC notes that the new law tightens party registration rules, removes deemed registration, expands INEC’s regulatory discretion, and preserves the fact that candidates still need political parties as the vehicle for contesting most elective offices because independent candidacy is not permitted. In plain language, parties matter even more now. A fragmented opposition is therefore not just aesthetically untidy. It is strategically suicidal.
Still, there are dangers in the opposite direction too. A desperate anti-Tinubu mega-bloc could become a cargo truck of incompatible ambitions. If all it offers is the promise to defeat one man, it may reproduce the same habits it condemns once power arrives. Nigeria does not need a ruling party so swollen that democracy gasps for air. But it also does not need an opposition whose only ideology is turn-by-turn revenge. The health of democracy lies somewhere between monopoly and mob. It requires competition with content, not merely competition with bitterness. Tinubu himself, in that same June 12 speech, defended multiparty politics even while mocking the opposition’s disorder. That irony should not be wasted. He has thrown them both an insult and an assignment.
So, yes, the opposition is right to worry. But worry is not strategy. Outrage is not organisation. Coalition is not coherence. And history is not sentimental. The man they are up against is ruthless, seasoned, and intimate with the dark arts of democratic combat. He knows the game. Some of his opponents are still learning the rules from old newspaper cuttings.
Which brings us back to the scripture. What you are going to do, do quickly. Not recklessly. Not hysterically. Quickly. Settle your house. Name your purpose. Offer something fresher than recycled indignation. Build a machine that is not merely anti-Tinubu but pro-Nigeria in a way ordinary Nigerians can feel in their pockets and in their pulse. Otherwise, the opposition will keep arriving at battle dressed in borrowed armour, only to discover that the tailor works for the man they came to unseat—May Nigeria win!
Guest Column
Jigawa 2027: Between Namadi’s Legacy And The Circling Shadows
Jigawa 2027: Between Namadi’s Legacy and the Circling Shadows
By Ahmad Sunusi
Jigawa State, like its counterparts across the Nigerian federation, is buzzing with political activities and various forms of electioneering campaigns. However, while opposition parties are working tirelessly—deploying every tactic, including outright falsehoods—to persuade the people to buy into their empty promises, the citizens themselves appear largely unfazed by such antics. Even the perceived cracks within the APC, reportedly orchestrated by a former governor and minister, do not seem to trouble the people of Jigawa.
One may wonder why, in a political environment such as Nigeria’s—where noise often substitutes for substance—we are witnessing a relatively calm atmosphere in Jigawa. The answer lies in Governor Umar Namadi. Since assuming office in 2023, he has charted a different course, defined less by rhetoric and more by measurable outcomes. For a state like Jigawa, long regarded as agrarian and structurally modest, the emergence of a governance model anchored on deliberate and incremental impact deserves close attention.
While Nigerian political commentary often swings between exaggeration and outright dismissal of impact, what is unfolding in Jigawa under Namadi occupies a rare middle ground—marked by transformation that is both tangible and verifiable.
At the core of the Namadi administration’s approach is the “Greater Jigawa Initiative,” a structured development framework that departs from the ad hoc governance style that has historically characterised many subnational governments. Rather than scattershot interventions, the state appears to be pursuing a layered strategy—agriculture, infrastructure, healthcare, youth empowerment, and institutional reform—each reinforcing the other.
Take agriculture, for instance. As the economic mainstay for nearly 90 percent of the population, getting it right is not optional. There is a broad consensus that policy missteps in this sector can have devastating ripple effects. With this understanding, the Namadi administration has embarked on targeted investments in tangible assets and programmes designed to sustain agricultural growth. The procurement of tractors, modern farming implements, and similar interventions is aimed at addressing productivity constraints that have long trapped rural farmers in subsistence cycles.
Beyond mechanisation, however, the deeper shift is structural—the alignment of agriculture with broader economic policy. The push toward agro-processing zones and value-chain development reflects an understanding that farming alone does not create wealth; processing and market access must also be prioritised. Here, Namadi’s background as an accountant becomes evident. The reality in Jigawa today reveals a clear preference for systems over rhetoric—an approach capable of delivering lasting impact.
Infrastructure has also seen renewed commitment. The construction of over 500 kilometres of rural roads is not merely about connectivity; it is about economic circulation. When rural communities—who sustain the state’s economy through farming—can access markets efficiently and move goods and labour with ease, the entire local economy begins to function more effectively. Where there are roads, opportunity often follows.
Equally significant is the 1,500-unit housing project valued at ₦6 billion, a move that addresses both urban pressure and social stability. In many Nigerian states, housing projects are often reduced to political showpieces—announced with fanfare but rarely completed. In Jigawa, however, available evidence suggests a departure from that pattern. The administration’s focus appears to be on completion and functionality.
Perhaps the most consequential investments are those that do not immediately capture media attention—particularly in education and healthcare. In education, for instance, Namadi has overseen the renovation of over 700 classrooms, alongside targeted improvements in literacy and numeracy under programmes such as Jigawa UNITE. This reflects a recognition that development is generational and must be approached with urgency. The underlying philosophy is clear: a competitive state cannot be built on a weak educational foundation.
Similarly, developments in healthcare tell a story of resolve. The upgrading of 287 ward-level health centres, coupled with direct financing to hundreds of primary healthcare facilities, signals a decentralised approach aimed at bringing healthcare closer to the people rather than concentrating it in urban centres. When combined with partnerships delivering vaccines, nutritional support, and free medical interventions, a consistent pattern emerges—one of deliberate, collaborative service delivery.
Youth empowerment is another critical pillar. Often reduced elsewhere to tokenistic handouts, the approach in Jigawa appears more structured. The establishment of the Jigawa State Youth Employment and Empowerment Agency institutionalises this effort. The scale of impact—reaching hundreds of thousands of beneficiaries, particularly women—suggests a deliberate effort to carry all demographics along in the development process.
Then there is the less glamorous but equally vital aspect: governance itself. Jigawa State’s adoption of open governance frameworks, including public access to financial records and project timelines, marks a significant shift from opacity. While many states operate closed fiscal systems, Namadi’s administration appears committed to transparency as a governing principle. Practices such as budget padding and project duplication—common in less transparent systems—find little room to thrive in such an environment. Transparency here is not just a virtue; it is a deliberate disruption.
This may explain why the state is attracting recognition beyond its size. From innovation awards to strong budget performance rankings, the indicators suggest that something is working. However, it would be intellectually dishonest to portray the situation as flawless.
Despite its progress, Jigawa—like many states in Northern Nigeria—continues to face broader challenges, including poverty, climate vulnerability, and the ever-present risk of insecurity spilling over from neighbouring regions. The relative peace the state enjoys today is as much a product of proactive governance as it is of geography. Sustaining this balance will require vigilance and continuity.
There is also the issue of scalability. Can these reforms endure beyond the current administration? Nigerian states are replete with abandoned “legacy projects” that failed to survive political transitions. The true test of Namadi’s model will depend not only on what is built, but on whether those achievements can outlive his tenure. Nonetheless, there is a discipline in his governance style that is difficult to ignore.
Ultimately, the sustainability of Namadi’s impact depends on continuity beyond 2027. Such continuity would ensure that the current trajectory is maintained—moving from policy conception to full implementation. It offers the opportunity to build not just infrastructure, but a governance culture rooted in results rather than applause.
However, this cannot be achieved by the governor alone. The people of Jigawa must also play their part. This is a defining moment—one that calls for active participation at the polls, for citizens to defend the mandate they granted in 2023, and to resist the “circling shadows,” both within and outside the ruling party, whose primary interest may be power rather than progress. Jigawa cannot afford regression. The choice, as always, rests with the people.
Ahmad writes from Dutse.
Guest Column
Kebbi 2027: Gov. Nasir Weathering The Storm
Kebbi 2027: Gov. Nasir Weathering The Storm
By Sani Umar
As conversations for the 2027 elections begin to intensify, it is only natural that first-term governors pursue re-election. The constitution permits it, yet it is not automatic. In this sense, the only thing that truly guarantees re-election is a record of good governance.
And, in the Nigerian political landscape, nothing signals that a leader has surpassed expectations more than endorsement, even from opposition politicians. Nothing communicates that endorsement better than staunch opposition figures abandoning their parties to pitch camp with an incumbent. That, in practical terms, is what is happening in Kebbi State.
Without having to solicit or press them, several opposition elements have abandoned their ship to align with Governor Nasir Idris (Kauran Gwandu) in the APC. Strong PDP members like Alhaji Sule Ikko and several others have switched to what they describe as the winning team. Perhaps, one of the most consequential of these defections is that of Sani Abubakar Malami, younger brother to Abubakar Malami, erstwhile Attorney-General of the Federation. Alongside him, figures like Alhaji Musa Dan Kwado, Bello Ka’oje, and Alhaji Haruna Sa’idu; all notable opposition actors with grassroots influence have also pitched camp with the APC.
The defection of Sani Abubakar Malami, in particular, is an indication that beyond the media glitz in Abuja and other gaslighting avenues, Abubakar Malami is not even considered a serious threat in Kebbi State. He neither commands any formidable structure nor enjoys meaningful street-level sympathy. The recent reception accorded him, when youths accosted his convoy with chants of “barawo bai mulki” (loosely translated as “thieves don’t govern”) says more than a thousand carefully crafted press statements ever could.
Beyond opposition approval, however, one is tempted to ask: what exactly is Governor Nasir doing differently to attract this level of approval from friendlies and hostiles alike? The answer is simple: Governance that resonates with the people! Governance, as we know, rests on tangible outcomes, not the kind of noise that people like Malami thrive on. Across several sectors, including education, healthcare, agriculture, infrastructure, security, and worker welfare, the administration has attempted to address longstanding gaps that have defined the development narrative of Kebbi State.
One of the clearest indicators of this is investment in education, where Nasir has made it his personal mandate to rebuild the very foundation of society. This is especially significant given that education holds a personal place in Nasir Idris’s story. Before entering politics, he built his reputation as a labour leader and advocate for teachers, making education not just policy, but a constituency.
Since assuming office, the administration has embarked on the renovation and rehabilitation of several schools across the state. Institutions such as Government Girls Secondary School, Birnin Kebbi; Government Secondary School, Jega; and Nagari College, Birnin Kebbi have benefited from upgrades in infrastructure and learning facilities. These efforts are complemented by the recruitment of additional teachers to address manpower shortages in the public school system.
In addition, the government has sustained the policy of paying WAEC and NECO examination fees for final-year students in public schools, an intervention designed to ease financial pressure on families while encouraging school retention. These efforts may appear routine in policy discussions, but they represent a meaningful recalibration in a sector that had long struggled with decay and neglect.
Healthcare is another sector where the administration has acknowledged both the scale of the challenge and the urgency of reform. Early in his tenure, Governor Idris drew attention when he openly admitted that some hospitals in the state were so dilapidated that even basic facilities like beds were absent. That unusual candour set the tone for a reform agenda rooted in transparency and gradual rebuilding.
One of the flagship initiatives here is the establishment of the Kauran Gwandu College of Nursing and Midwifery Sciences in Ambursa. This institution was designed to expand the training pipeline for nurses and midwives, particularly for underserved rural communities.
Beyond manpower development, the government has also embarked on the rehabilitation of key healthcare facilities, including Argungu General Hospital and Sir Yahaya Memorial Hospital in Birnin Kebbi, alongside several primary healthcare centres across local government areas. The logic is straightforward: healthcare delivery in Nigeria begins at the grassroots.
Perhaps the most visible dimension of the Nasir administration’s governance record lies in infrastructure development, particularly road construction and urban renewal. Among the key projects is the dualisation of Emir Haruna Road in Birnin Kebbi, which has significantly improved traffic flow within the state capital. Complementing this is the dualisation of the Old Argungu By-Pass—a 6.4-kilometre project valued at over ₦7.23 billion, complete with drainage systems and solar street lighting.
Other initiatives include the Birnin Kebbi–Ambursa Road, expansion of township road networks, and the construction of a modern Central Motor Park. These are not merely aesthetic upgrades; they are functional investments aimed at facilitating commerce, easing transportation, and connecting rural producers to urban markets.
One particularly symbolic project is the completion of the Bola Ahmed Tinubu Secretariat Complex—a facility that had lingered unfinished for over a decade before being completed by the present administration. It reflects a broader commitment to strengthening institutional capacity within the civil service.
Agriculture, which remains the backbone of Kebbi State’s economy, has also been strengthened. Through seasonal intervention programmes, the administration has distributed over 200 trucks of fertiliser, alongside improved seedlings and mechanised equipment. In one of the most recent interventions, about 240 trucks, equivalent to roughly 120,000 bags were distributed across the 21 local government areas as part of dry-season farming support.
These efforts extend to the provision of tractors, irrigation pumps, herbicides, and other inputs designed to boost productivity in a state widely regarded as one of Nigeria’s leading rice-producing regions.
On the security front which is an unavoidable concern across northern Nigeria, the administration has recorded modest but notable gains. While Kebbi has not witnessed the scale of violence seen elsewhere, the government has taken steps to strengthen coordination. A major component of this strategy is the establishent of the Kebbi State Neighbourhood Watch, a community-based outfit designed to complement federal security agencies through intelligence gathering and grassroots vigilance.
Combined with improved collaboration between traditional rulers, community leaders, and formal security institutions, these measures have helped maintain relative stability, an achievement acknowledged even at the federal level.
Beyond policy and infrastructure, one of the defining qualities associated with Gov. Nasir is his reputation for sincerity. His willingness to openly acknowledge challenges whether in healthcare or security, has earned him a level of credibility many politicians struggle to cultivate. In an environment where leaders often shy away from admitting problems, that openness resonates.
As the 2027 political cycle approaches, debates around leadership continuity in Kebbi State will inevitably intensify. Yet one reality remains difficult to ignore: the administration has already placed substantial projects and policy interventions on the ground.
From the rehabilitation of schools and hospitals to the expansion of road infrastructure, agricultural support programmes, and institutional reforms, the trajectory under his watch has been one of steady, visible progress.
For many observers, the argument for continuity is therefore based not in sentiment, but in the logic of consolidation. Development, particularly in infrastructure, healthcare, and education requires sustained leadership to fully mature. On this score, continuity appears far more compelling than the promises of Eldorado currently being peddled by frustrated political actors.
Ultimately, if the true test of leadership is the ability to translate promises into measurable outcomes, then the emerging record of the Nasir administration provides a solid foundation for the argument that Kebbi State may benefit from giving Governor Nasir Idris the opportunity to consolidate the progress already underway. In that sense, the road to 2027 may well be less about campaigning, and more about the quiet, persuasive power of performance.
The task ahead, as always, rests with the people of Kebbi State. Will they keep faith with a political trajectory already in motion, or will they entertain the romanticised ramblings of glorified political paperweights? The choice, ultimately, is theirs.
Umar writes from Birnin Kebbi
Guest Column
Shettima Praises Kebbi Governor’s Infrastructure Achievements
Shettima Praises Kebbi Governor’s Infrastructure Achievements
By Sani Adamu
Vice President Kashim Shettima has praised the governor of Kebbi State, Nasir Idris, “for his outstanding performance in infrastructure development and education”, saying President Bola Tinubu appreciates and respects his efforts.
Shettima made the remarks during a visit to Kebbi State to convey the federal government’s condolences to the state government and people over the death of the Speaker of the State Assembly, Muhammad Usman Zuru, and victims of bandit attacks.
The vice president also announced that President Tinubu has directed the National Emergency Management Agency (NEMA) to provide support to displaced persons in the state.
Shettima wished the governor success in his second term, highlighting achievements in infrastructure and education over the last three years.
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