Column
A Discerning Bullet & The Fallacy of Christian Genocide in Plateau State
A Discerning Bullet & The Fallacy of Christian Genocide in Plateau State
By Lawal Ishaq Esq.
On 29th March this year, Jos City was thrown into confusion when the forgotten ugly madness of the ethno-religious crisis reared its sad face. This time around, the trigger was a discerning bullet* shot randomly by some evil gum-wielding men; the exact number and the means of their conveyance are still not clear. This discerning bullet shot randomly was meant to kill only Christians and did, despite the undisputed fact that there were Muslim youths in the same location with the supposed targeted Christian youths.
This is the height of ridiculous lies and theories being told in Plateau State for long. It is on record that these bullets didn’t discern between Christians and Muslims, as the bullets killed both. In telling the lies, the manipulative Christian propagandists lined up some dead bodies affected by the bullets and shamelessly included the body of a Muslim victim in a red T-shirt. His people and friends identified his body from the picture the liars were circulating on social media and raised alarm that the young man is a Muslim, not a Christian, as was being falsely spread. It turned out that out of about 29 victims of the supposed discerning bullet aimed to kill only Christians, up to four Muslims fell as well. This is understandable due to the fact that the spot targeted is notorious for the congregation of wayward youths sharing and taking all sorts of hard and intoxicating drugs.
Despite these obvious facts, the liners and propagandists of Christians Genocide on the Plateau kept portraying the sad event of Sunday, 29th March, as a continuation of the falsely claimed Christian genocide. Let’s not forget that scores of Muslim youth, notably okada and Keke Napep operators, were ambushed, killed and their bodies either burnt to ashes or disposed of in shallow graves or thrown into the rivers of Gada Biyu, Farin Gada, Unguwar Ruiuba and many other Christian-dominated areas in Jos.
This brought the bear the lies of Christian genocide in Plateau orchestrated by Professor Joash Amuputan, the current INEC chairman, in his infamous legal brief of 2022.
No doubt lives are being lost through violent means in the Plateau every day. However, if any of the happenings of illegal life-taking in the state is going to be referred to as a genocide, then the event of 28th to 30th November 2008 in Jos was the event that is more qualified to be referred to as genocide – Muslim genocide, to put it appropriately. In three days in November 2008, over 600 Muslims were shot dead, as by the Muslim leadership in Jos and corroborated by some international human rights agencies such as Human Rights Watch.
Going a bit back to the 2001 Jos crisis, the state government-owned Commission of Inquiry set up in 2001 under Justice Niki Tobi confirmed the claim of Muslim genocide in Plateau State as well in its report.
Sadly, the Muslims don’t have the media or are not out for propaganda. As such, their mass killing is always unreported or underreported. (See a table of Muslims massacred in different incidents in Plateau with dates and figures).
I was listening to a video clip of an Islamic imam delivering a sermon last Friday in which he logically stated that it is impossible for Muslims to carry out genocide of Christians in a place like Plateau because Muslims are not only in the minority; we are highly marginalised, which incapacitated us following decades of marginalisation and neglect. Muslims are barely living in Plateau State because since the creation of the present Plateau, there has not been a single Muslim civilian governor, deputy governor, secretary to the state government or chief of staff in the state. The Imam asked, ‘How can a minority oppress the majority to the extent of committing genocide against them when they are not even close to the machinery of power? ‘ If Muslims were interested in committing any genocide against the Christians, they could have conveniently done so in places where they are the majority, like Kano or Sokoto!
It is sad that a few people are still telling their people that it is possible to have a plateau without Muslims. This is a nightmare, not a dream. As opined by some eight thinking social media content creators, the day we realise that Christians cannot chase Muslims from Plateau State and vice versa, that day will be the beginning of peaceful coexistence in the state. This fact should be repeated and carried as wide as possible so that we may have a peaceful plateau.
Enough of these lies and propaganda, please. Let’s live and let. Live!
Barr. Lawal Wrote from Jos Plateau State.
Guest Column
Local Government Autonomy: Nigeria’s Missing Weapon Against Insecurity and Banditry
Local Government Autonomy: Nigeria’s Missing Weapon Against Insecurity and Banditry
Striking the Balance
It’s Time We Invite the U.S. to Set Up a Military Base in Nigeria
It’s Time We Invite the U.S. to Set Up a Military Base in Nigeria.
By MS Abubakar, PhD, CAS
“Niger chose anger. Mali chose Wagner. Nigeria must choose a strategy.”
As a Northerner, I must confess a contradiction. When French and U.S. troops withdrew from Niger Republic in 2024, I celebrated on my street in Abuja. Like millions across West Africa, I had condemned the idea of a new foreign base in Northern Nigeria. My fears were not invented. They were fed by a powerful narrative: that France, in particular, orchestrates instability in the Sahel to protect uranium interests and CFA franc dominance. In Niger, Burkina Faso, and Mali, the junta and the youth believe France sponsors or tolerates jihadists to justify its presence. I believed it too.
But conviction without evidence is dangerous. So, I asked harder questions.
1. The “Foreign Base = Instability” Myth Doesn’t Hold Up
America operates over 700 military facilities worldwide. In Africa alone it has Camp Lemonnier in Djibouti, bases in Kenya, Ghana, and drone operations in Niger before 2024. Did Kenya become a failed state? Did Ghana lose its democracy? No. In fact, Ghana ranks higher than Nigeria on the Global Peace Index and Human Development Index. Kenya, despite Al-Shabaab threats, has maintained state capacity and elections.
The common factor is not the base. It is governance. Where institutions are strong, foreign security cooperation is managed. Where institutions are weak, any presence—French, Russian, or American—becomes a political football.
2. Our Problem is Structural, Not Foreign.
Banditry in Zamfara, Boko Haram in Borno, ISWAP in Lake Chad, and kidnapping along the Abuja-Kaduna corridor are not imported problems. They are Nigerian problems with Nigerian roots: endemic poverty, where 63% live in multidimensional poverty per NBS, exclusion of rural communities from basic services, low HDI, ungoverned spaces, and porous borders the size of Western Europe.
No foreign soldier can fix bad governance. But a foreign base with ISR drones, satellite intelligence, and logistics can degrade the killers while we fix the system. That is the distinction I missed in 2024.
3. The Wagner Experiment in Mali Proved the Point
After expelling France, Mali invited Russia’s Wagner Group. Three years later, attacks increased, 300+ civilians were killed in Moura, and Wagner became accused of human rights abuses. If Russia had the capacity to stabilise the Sahel, Mali would be proof. It is not.
America brings something different: not just guns, but integrated intelligence, airlift, MEDEVAC, and training. The U.S. Africa Command’s “by, with, and through” doctrine means they build local capacity. That is what Nigeria needs now.
4. Our Military is Brave, But Overstretched
I say these words with respect: the Nigerian Armed Forces are arguably the third most powerful in Africa. Our soldiers have fought in ECOMOG, Sudan, and Somalia and against Boko Haram for 15 years. Their courage is legendary.
“Courage without equipment is martyrdom. Our soldiers deserve partners, not just praise.”
But courage without equipment is martyrdom. We have lost senior, serving, and retired officers—generals and colonels—to ambushes and IEDs. That tells you the enemy has better ISR and night-fighting capacity in some theaters. Our air force flies sorties, but lacks persistent drone coverage. Our army clears territory but cannot “hold” due to logistics gaps. A U.S. base can fill those specific gaps without commanding our troops.
5. Sovereignty is Negotiated, Not Surrendered
The fear of “neo-colonialism” is valid. But sovereignty is not an all-or-nothing idea. Japan hosts U.S. bases yet remains sovereign and industrialized. Germany does too. The key is a Status of Forces Agreement negotiated by Nigerians, for Nigerians. Terms can include: Nigerian command over operations, no unilateral raids, joint patrols only, technology transfer, and mandatory training of NAF and NA personnel.
“Sovereignty is negotiated, not surrendered. A base is a lease, not an occupation.”
A base is not an occupation. It is a lease. We lease land to MTN and Airtel. We can lease a corner of the north to a partner who helps us kill terrorists faster.
6. There Are Economic and Strategic Upsides
Beyond security, a U.S. base means infrastructure: better airstrips, hospitals, roads, and skilled jobs for locals. It means Nigeria becomes a hub for Sahel intelligence. That raises our diplomatic weight in ECOWAS and the AU. Currently, after Niger’s exit, the U.S. is looking for a reliable anchor state in the region. Why shouldn’t that be Nigeria?
The Call
I was wrong in 2024. Expelling partners did not bring peace to the Sahel. It created vacuums. Nigeria cannot afford a vacuum.
So, I am calling on fellow Nigerians, especially Northerners like me, to reconsider. Let us pressure the National Assembly and the presidency to open talks with Washington on a limited, transparent US military presence. Let us demand oversight, not rejection.
The Sahel is burning. Niger, Burkina Faso, and Mali chose anger. Nigeria must choose strategy.
We should let the U.S. set up a military base in Nigeria to end the bloodshed, not because we’re weak.
Nigeria must not bleed alone when help is available.
Guest Column
Sokoto: Gov. Aliyu’s New Harvest Of Projects
Sokoto: Gov. Aliyu’s New Harvest Of Projects
By Umar Yusuf
In politics, some leaders discuss their plans, while others quietly get to work. The latter category often allows projects and results to speak louder than press statements, political advertisements and endless public relations exercises.
Since the emergence of the Governor Ahmed Aliyu-led administration, commissioning ceremonies—whether for completed projects or the flag-off of new ones—have become a recurring feature of governance in Sokoto State. As the state once again enters another round of project commissioning activities this June, it becomes increasingly clear that Governor Ahmed Aliyu Sokoto is determined to reinforce a governing philosophy that has become synonymous with his administration: promises made must be pursued and delivered.
The ceremonies scheduled across different parts of the state are not isolated events. These ceremonies are part of a broader continuum of infrastructural renewal that has defined the administration since Governor Aliyu assumed office nearly three years ago.
To appreciate the significance of the projects currently being commissioned, one must first recall the circumstances under which the present administration came into office.
At the time Governor Aliyu took over the reins of leadership, many sectors of public life in Sokoto State required urgent intervention. Concerns exist across education, healthcare, transportation, housing, and rural development. Yet perhaps no challenge was as visible and as painful to ordinary citizens as the crisis surrounding potable water supply.
For many residents of the Sokoto metropolis and surrounding communities, access to water had become both difficult and expensive. Families spent considerable portions of their income purchasing water from vendors. What should ordinarily have been a basic social service had become a daily struggle.
Recognising the importance of water for public welfare, Governor Aliyu moved swiftly. He showed from the onset that he had no intention of treating water scarcity as a routine administrative challenge. To his government, water was an emergency requiring immediate and sustained intervention.
Massive investments were directed toward the rehabilitation and expansion of water schemes throughout the state. Ageing facilities were revived, abandoned projects were revisited, and new infrastructure was introduced to improve distribution. Projects such as the rehabilitation of the Old Airport Water Scheme, the Tamaje Water Scheme, and other strategic water facilities helped restore supplies to many communities that had endured years of shortages.
Today, even critics of the administration acknowledge the significant improvements in the water situation compared to previous conditions. The turnaround has not only reduced hardship for residents but has also restored confidence in the government’s capacity to respond effectively to public needs.
Water, however, represents only one chapter of a much broader story.
Over the last three years, the Ahmed Aliyu administration has embarked on an ambitious program of infrastructural development that touches virtually every sector of governance. Across the state, roads such as the Mabera-Mani Road, the Gawon Nama Axis, and several township roads have been constructed or rehabilitated, improving mobility and commercial activities.
Healthcare: Hospitals and primary care centres have received upgrades, equipment, and rehabilitation work aimed at improving service delivery. Educational institutions have similarly benefited from renovation projects, the provision of learning facilities, and investments intended to improve the learning environment.
The administration has also pursued housing projects, including the ongoing construction of hundreds of housing units for civil servants and vulnerable groups. Agricultural support programmes, youth empowerment initiatives and interventions targeted at stimulating local economic activities have equally featured prominently within the government’s development agenda.
What is perhaps most remarkable is the geographical spread of these interventions. Rather than concentrating development exclusively within the Sokoto metropolis, the government has consistently sought to extend projects into local government areas and rural communities.
This approach reflects an understanding that development is meaningful only when it reaches the people wherever they reside.
It is against this backdrop that the current round of commissioning activities should be viewed.
Last Friday’s commissioning of the Illela Jumu’at Mosque was more than a ceremonial event. It also provided an opportunity to reflect on the administration’s third anniversary and the progress recorded thus far.
The choice of Illela itself is significant. Situated along the border corridor, the town occupies an important position within the state’s commercial and social landscape. Investments in the area therefore carry implications not only for local residents but also for regional economic activities and cross-border trade.
Today, attention shifts to another important milestone with the commissioning of 100 housing units for internally displaced individuals in Illela Local Government Area.
At a time when insecurity has displaced thousands of citizens across different parts of Northern Nigeria, housing interventions targeted at vulnerable populations deserve recognition.
Providing shelter is not merely about constructing buildings. It’s about restoring dignity, rebuilding lives and creating conditions for displaced families to start over.
The decision to invite Professor Babagana Umara Zulum, Governor of Borno State, to perform the commissioning is equally symbolic.
Governor Zulum has earned national recognition for his commitment to rebuilding communities affected by insurgency. His participation underscores the importance of collaborative approaches to addressing displacement and humanitarian challenges.
Beyond the housing project, Professor Zulum will also perform the foundation-laying ceremony for the Illela International Market.
This project may ultimately prove to be one of the most economically consequential initiatives of the administration.
Markets are more than places where goods exchange hands. They are engines of local economies. They create jobs, stimulate investments, attract traders, and expand commercial opportunities in their surrounding communities.
Given Illela’s strategic location as a gateway community to the Republic of Niger, an ultramodern international market possesses the potential to transform trade activities while strengthening Sokoto State’s position within regional commerce. The benefits could extend far beyond local government boundaries.
The following day will witness another housing initiative in Rabah Local Government Area, where the foundation stone for an additional 100 housing units for internally displaced individuals will be laid.
The project demonstrates that the administration’s housing interventions are components of a wider policy framework aimed at social welfare, community rehabilitation and inclusive development.
Then comes the commissioning of the Mana Water Scheme on June 18, to be performed by the governor of Kano State, Abba Kabir Yusuf.
For some observers, the commissioning of another water project may appear routine. In reality, it is anything but routine when viewed against the backdrop of the severe water challenges that existed before Governor Aliyu assumed office.
Water remains one of the clearest indicators of governmental responsiveness. Every new scheme commissioned translates into reduced hardship for households, improved sanitation, better public health outcomes and enhanced economic productivity.
The Mana Water Scheme therefore represents another important step in consolidating gains already recorded within the sector.
The commissioning activities reveal that tangible outcomes ultimately measure governance.
Political speeches have their place. Campaign promises are necessary. But nothing can substitute for concrete impact, measured in flowing taps, functional roads, improved hospitals, modern schools, housing estates, and thriving markets.
These are the parameters through which citizens eventually judge governments. It’s ultimately about what people can see, touch and benefit from.
A road either exists or it does not. Again, a water scheme either supplies water or it fails to supply water. The same applies to housing estates, hospitals, schools, markets, and countless other public assets.
In this regard, the Aliyu administration appears determined to ensure that its record is defined by visible interventions rather than abstract promises.
Naturally, no government is beyond criticism. Challenges remain and expectations continue to rise. There are sectors where citizens still demand faster progress and broader interventions. Such demands are legitimate in every democratic society. However, it is also crucial to recognise and acknowledge progress whenever it occurs.
The projects being commissioned across Sokoto State this week provide further evidence that the administration continues to invest in infrastructure, social welfare, and economic development. More importantly, they demonstrate consistency in governance priorities rather than the abandonment of campaign commitments.
As the commissioning ceremonies unfold, they collectively represent something larger than individual projects scattered across different local government areas.
They represent the harvest of deliberate planning, sustained investment and a governing philosophy anchored on delivering visible benefits to the people.
For Governor Ahmed Aliyu Sokoto, this season of commissioning is therefore not merely a celebration of completed projects. It is a reminder that development is a continuous journey and that the true measure of leadership lies not in promises made but in promises fulfilled.
Umar writes from Sokoto.
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