Jigawa 2027: Between Namadi’s Legacy and the Circling Shadows

By Ahmad Sunusi

Jigawa State, like its counterparts across the Nigerian federation, is buzzing with political activities and various forms of electioneering campaigns. However, while opposition parties are working tirelessly—deploying every tactic, including outright falsehoods—to persuade the people to buy into their empty promises, the citizens themselves appear largely unfazed by such antics. Even the perceived cracks within the APC, reportedly orchestrated by a former governor and minister, do not seem to trouble the people of Jigawa.

One may wonder why, in a political environment such as Nigeria’s—where noise often substitutes for substance—we are witnessing a relatively calm atmosphere in Jigawa. The answer lies in Governor Umar Namadi. Since assuming office in 2023, he has charted a different course, defined less by rhetoric and more by measurable outcomes. For a state like Jigawa, long regarded as agrarian and structurally modest, the emergence of a governance model anchored on deliberate and incremental impact deserves close attention.

While Nigerian political commentary often swings between exaggeration and outright dismissal of impact, what is unfolding in Jigawa under Namadi occupies a rare middle ground—marked by transformation that is both tangible and verifiable.

At the core of the Namadi administration’s approach is the “Greater Jigawa Initiative,” a structured development framework that departs from the ad hoc governance style that has historically characterised many subnational governments. Rather than scattershot interventions, the state appears to be pursuing a layered strategy—agriculture, infrastructure, healthcare, youth empowerment, and institutional reform—each reinforcing the other.

Take agriculture, for instance. As the economic mainstay for nearly 90 percent of the population, getting it right is not optional. There is a broad consensus that policy missteps in this sector can have devastating ripple effects. With this understanding, the Namadi administration has embarked on targeted investments in tangible assets and programmes designed to sustain agricultural growth. The procurement of tractors, modern farming implements, and similar interventions is aimed at addressing productivity constraints that have long trapped rural farmers in subsistence cycles.

Beyond mechanisation, however, the deeper shift is structural—the alignment of agriculture with broader economic policy. The push toward agro-processing zones and value-chain development reflects an understanding that farming alone does not create wealth; processing and market access must also be prioritised. Here, Namadi’s background as an accountant becomes evident. The reality in Jigawa today reveals a clear preference for systems over rhetoric—an approach capable of delivering lasting impact.

Infrastructure has also seen renewed commitment. The construction of over 500 kilometres of rural roads is not merely about connectivity; it is about economic circulation. When rural communities—who sustain the state’s economy through farming—can access markets efficiently and move goods and labour with ease, the entire local economy begins to function more effectively. Where there are roads, opportunity often follows.

Equally significant is the 1,500-unit housing project valued at ₦6 billion, a move that addresses both urban pressure and social stability. In many Nigerian states, housing projects are often reduced to political showpieces—announced with fanfare but rarely completed. In Jigawa, however, available evidence suggests a departure from that pattern. The administration’s focus appears to be on completion and functionality.

Perhaps the most consequential investments are those that do not immediately capture media attention—particularly in education and healthcare. In education, for instance, Namadi has overseen the renovation of over 700 classrooms, alongside targeted improvements in literacy and numeracy under programmes such as Jigawa UNITE. This reflects a recognition that development is generational and must be approached with urgency. The underlying philosophy is clear: a competitive state cannot be built on a weak educational foundation.

Similarly, developments in healthcare tell a story of resolve. The upgrading of 287 ward-level health centres, coupled with direct financing to hundreds of primary healthcare facilities, signals a decentralised approach aimed at bringing healthcare closer to the people rather than concentrating it in urban centres. When combined with partnerships delivering vaccines, nutritional support, and free medical interventions, a consistent pattern emerges—one of deliberate, collaborative service delivery.

Youth empowerment is another critical pillar. Often reduced elsewhere to tokenistic handouts, the approach in Jigawa appears more structured. The establishment of the Jigawa State Youth Employment and Empowerment Agency institutionalises this effort. The scale of impact—reaching hundreds of thousands of beneficiaries, particularly women—suggests a deliberate effort to carry all demographics along in the development process.

Then there is the less glamorous but equally vital aspect: governance itself. Jigawa State’s adoption of open governance frameworks, including public access to financial records and project timelines, marks a significant shift from opacity. While many states operate closed fiscal systems, Namadi’s administration appears committed to transparency as a governing principle. Practices such as budget padding and project duplication—common in less transparent systems—find little room to thrive in such an environment. Transparency here is not just a virtue; it is a deliberate disruption.

This may explain why the state is attracting recognition beyond its size. From innovation awards to strong budget performance rankings, the indicators suggest that something is working. However, it would be intellectually dishonest to portray the situation as flawless.

Despite its progress, Jigawa—like many states in Northern Nigeria—continues to face broader challenges, including poverty, climate vulnerability, and the ever-present risk of insecurity spilling over from neighbouring regions. The relative peace the state enjoys today is as much a product of proactive governance as it is of geography. Sustaining this balance will require vigilance and continuity.

There is also the issue of scalability. Can these reforms endure beyond the current administration? Nigerian states are replete with abandoned “legacy projects” that failed to survive political transitions. The true test of Namadi’s model will depend not only on what is built, but on whether those achievements can outlive his tenure. Nonetheless, there is a discipline in his governance style that is difficult to ignore.

Ultimately, the sustainability of Namadi’s impact depends on continuity beyond 2027. Such continuity would ensure that the current trajectory is maintained—moving from policy conception to full implementation. It offers the opportunity to build not just infrastructure, but a governance culture rooted in results rather than applause.

However, this cannot be achieved by the governor alone. The people of Jigawa must also play their part. This is a defining moment—one that calls for active participation at the polls, for citizens to defend the mandate they granted in 2023, and to resist the “circling shadows,” both within and outside the ruling party, whose primary interest may be power rather than progress. Jigawa cannot afford regression. The choice, as always, rests with the people.

Ahmad writes from Dutse.

Shettima Praises Kebbi Governor’s Infrastructure Achievements

By Sani Adamu

Vice President Kashim Shettima has praised the governor of Kebbi State, Nasir Idris, “for his outstanding performance in infrastructure development and education”, saying President Bola Tinubu appreciates and respects his efforts.

Shettima made the remarks during a visit to Kebbi State to convey the federal government’s condolences to the state government and people over the death of the Speaker of the State Assembly, Muhammad Usman Zuru, and victims of bandit attacks.

The vice president also announced that President Tinubu has directed the National Emergency Management Agency (NEMA) to provide support to displaced persons in the state.

Shettima wished the governor success in his second term, highlighting achievements in infrastructure and education over the last three years.

A Discerning Bullet & The Fallacy of Christian Genocide in Plateau State

By Lawal Ishaq Esq.
On 29th March this year, Jos City was thrown into confusion when the forgotten ugly madness of the ethno-religious crisis reared its sad face. This time around, the trigger was a discerning bullet* shot randomly by some evil gum-wielding men; the exact number and the means of their conveyance are still not clear. This discerning bullet shot randomly was meant to kill only Christians and did, despite the undisputed fact that there were Muslim youths in the same location with the supposed targeted Christian youths.

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This is the height of ridiculous lies and theories being told in Plateau State for long. It is on record that these bullets didn’t discern between Christians and Muslims, as the bullets killed both. In telling the lies, the manipulative Christian propagandists lined up some dead bodies affected by the bullets and shamelessly included the body of a Muslim victim in a red T-shirt. His people and friends identified his body from the picture the liars were circulating on social media and raised alarm that the young man is a Muslim, not a Christian, as was being falsely spread. It turned out that out of about 29 victims of the supposed discerning bullet aimed to kill only Christians, up to four Muslims fell as well. This is understandable due to the fact that the spot targeted is notorious for the congregation of wayward youths sharing and taking all sorts of hard and intoxicating drugs.

Despite these obvious facts, the liners and propagandists of Christians Genocide on the Plateau kept portraying the sad event of Sunday, 29th March, as a continuation of the falsely claimed Christian genocide. Let’s not forget that scores of Muslim youth, notably okada and Keke Napep operators, were ambushed, killed and their bodies either burnt to ashes or disposed of in shallow graves or thrown into the rivers of Gada Biyu, Farin Gada, Unguwar Ruiuba and many other Christian-dominated areas in Jos.

This brought the bear the lies of Christian genocide in Plateau orchestrated by Professor Joash Amuputan, the current INEC chairman, in his infamous legal brief of 2022.

No doubt lives are being lost through violent means in the Plateau every day. However, if any of the happenings of illegal life-taking in the state is going to be referred to as a genocide, then the event of 28th to 30th November 2008 in Jos was the event that is more qualified to be referred to as genocide – Muslim genocide, to put it appropriately. In three days in November 2008, over 600 Muslims were shot dead, as by the Muslim leadership in Jos and corroborated by some international human rights agencies such as Human Rights Watch.

Going a bit back to the 2001 Jos crisis, the state government-owned Commission of Inquiry set up in 2001 under Justice Niki Tobi confirmed the claim of Muslim genocide in Plateau State as well in its report.

Sadly, the Muslims don’t have the media or are not out for propaganda. As such, their mass killing is always unreported or underreported. (See a table of Muslims massacred in different incidents in Plateau with dates and figures).

I was listening to a video clip of an Islamic imam delivering a sermon last Friday in which he logically stated that it is impossible for Muslims to carry out genocide of Christians in a place like Plateau because Muslims are not only in the minority; we are highly marginalised, which incapacitated us following decades of marginalisation and neglect. Muslims are barely living in Plateau State because since the creation of the present Plateau, there has not been a single Muslim civilian governor, deputy governor, secretary to the state government or chief of staff in the state. The Imam asked, ‘How can a minority oppress the majority to the extent of committing genocide against them when they are not even close to the machinery of power? ‘ If Muslims were interested in committing any genocide against the Christians, they could have conveniently done so in places where they are the majority, like Kano or Sokoto!

It is sad that a few people are still telling their people that it is possible to have a plateau without Muslims. This is a nightmare, not a dream. As opined by some eight thinking social media content creators, the day we realise that Christians cannot chase Muslims from Plateau State and vice versa, that day will be the beginning of peaceful coexistence in the state. This fact should be repeated and carried as wide as possible so that we may have a peaceful plateau.

Enough of these lies and propaganda, please. Let’s live and let. Live!

Barr. Lawal Wrote from Jos Plateau State.